درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

Neglecting and ignorance of citizenship rights by the socio-political system is one of the soft war manifestations against the Islamic Revolution of Iran in recent decades. Accordingly, to defend and introduce the original Islamic thought in the field of citizenship rights, the present study aimed to explain the position of this concept and its derived components by examining the principles and perspectives related to citizenship rights in the Islamic Revolution foundations. To this aim, used library and descriptive method and discourse analysis of Laclau and Mouffe using Quranic verses and critical legal documents of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Then, the symbols of Islamic discourse on citizenship rights were extracted, and objective examples were studied in important legal documents of the republic. Citizenship rights in Islamic discourse are based on the semantic system from the central symbol of purified life and the signs of the principles of dignity, security, freedom and the executive guarantee of citizenship rights. Evaluating the status of citizenship rights in the social and political context of post-revolutionary Iran indicates that the Islamic Revolution discourse has a strong potential for fulfilling citizenship rights. The constitution addresses citizenship rights in various dimensions, including public-private security, judicial law, liberty rights in multiple sizes, participant rights in the administration of national affairs, economic, social and cultural rights, and the rights of vulnerable groups. The implementing citizenship rights specified in this law are guaranteed in parts of the Islamic Penal Code and the Criminal Procedure Code. 

The importance of the historical study of the Russian and Ottoman neighborhood policy lies in the fact that, in addition to the importance of these two countries in geographical, social, cultural, political and economic dimensions, a large number of Iran's neighboring countries were somehow under the control of these two empires before independence. In this research, the historical process of Iran's relations with these two important neighboring countries has been studied using the descriptive method and discourse analysis of Lacla and Moufe with the approach of historical institutionalism. The results show that during the lifetime of the Ottoman Empire until the disintegration of this empire, coinciding with the Safavid to Qajar governments, we witness two neighboring discourses. The discourse of the first period, the discourse of structural divergence, later with the change of political, economic and social geography and the requirements of the world system, this discourse turns into the discourse of minimal convergence. The discourse of "structural divergence" was formed on the centrality of the neighborhood policy based on the tyranny of the kingdom. The discourse signs of structural divergence included geographical dominance, expansion of religious ideology, political divergence, economic divergence, and world trade. The minimal convergence discourse is based on the centrality of the political signifier based on the court's understanding of global realities. The semantic system of this discourse is based on the main signs of acknowledging the existence of the neighboring country, the unbalanced weight of different aspects of the relations between the two countries, and the continuation of divergence alongside convergence. However, in comparison, the central sign of the discourse of the neighborhood with Russia is tsarist imprudence and court tyranny, and the main signs are passivity against Russia's expansionism, "military weakness in exercising territorial sovereignty, weakness in attracting the Iranian peoples of Central Asia and the Caucasus, and giving in to disgraceful agreements." they give. With the formation of the Soviet Union and the beginning of a new discourse, Russian expansionism in Iran in its territorial form ended and the chapter of ideological confrontations between communism and capitalism began. The discourse of Iran's neighborhood policy with the Ottomans and Russia is like two pieces of a puzzle that are both complementary and effective on each other's growth. If Iran's neighborhood policy regarding Russia and Ottomans had the same importance for Iran's ruling body, it is possible that a different historical path would have been established for the region and Iran.

The 2020 US presidential election was held indirectly through the Electoral College with the rivalry between Trump and Biden from both the Republican and Democratic parties, and as a result, many American crises emerged, indicating a shift in the position of soft power. Soft power means convincing others to achieve the desired result through persuasion, which was invented by Joseph Nye. The soft power of the United States has led to a loss of its international appeal by taking a hard line on soft issues, such as ignoring public diplomacy. The question is, to what extent has the 2020 election affected America's soft power position? The emergence of crises, such as inefficiency in internal management, Trump's rejection of the election results, has led to the decline of America's soft power position in the world. Given this approach to the 2020 elections, this study seeks to examine the challenges posed by many analysts, both in the debate and after the election, through a descriptive-interpretive discourse analysis method. And explain how it has degraded America's soft power position and been able to have a direct impact on its future and global policies, such as the possibility of a power shift paradigm in the international arena. It also suggests that Iran can turn threats into opportunities with constructive policies, despite maximum US pressure.

This article seeks to historical analysis about secession Mojahedin e Khalq Organization from Nehzate e Azadi basis of Parson’s structural functionalism theory. Nehzat e Azadi as a system takes political developments as data and after internal processes, expresses it's decisions as the output. In Parson’s theory, internal and external factors that impressive on environment and system’s values, cause disorder. and this disorder cause that system fail to adaptation its whith environmentaly changes. according to the hypothesis of this research, In the meantime, the agreed between United States of America and Mohammad Reza Shah to overthrow َAli Amini’s government, as external factor affects on environment; and leftist movements in countries like Cuba, Vietnam, Algeria and Palestine, as external factor affects on system’s value. Arrest of Nehzat e Azadi’s leaders, Engineer Mehdi Bazargan, Dr Yadollah Sahabi and Ayatollah Mahmoud Taleghani, as internal factor affects on environment and Engineer Bazargan’s scientism ideas as internal factor on affects system’s value; caused Nehzat’s young members, contrary to the ideas of the early leaders, choose violent struggle. This paper suggests the community structure of Nehzat e Azadi, that aspect in lack of organizational cohesion, was issues that not just didn’t oppose with this internal radicalism rather confirmed that.