Moderation

Following the victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and establishment of new government within the framework of political Islam in the region, in order to continue and reinforce this government model, the Islamic -Iranian Model of Progress was put in the blueprint with regard to the indigenous standards as the most important pre-occupation. After the third decade of the Revolution which has been termed as the Decade of Progress and Justice, this component has become more essential. Using the descriptive-analytic method and library-documental studies, this paper tries to respond to the following questions: ‘What are the standards and pillars of the Islamic-Iranian Model of Progress?’ and ‘What is the role of moderation in the cultural policy in developing and shaping the Islamic-Iranian Model of Progress?’ The findings of the research show that there have been two approaches in the domain of culture by the officials of cultural affairs at macro level in recent years. While the one approach believes in hard treatment, authoritarianism, and controlling in the area of culture, the other one oppositely maintains in cultural freedom. The feedback and performance of the related officials in the domain of culture has had extremes which has made the cultural moderation as a missing circle. Thus, taking stand based on moderation as a religious-rational attitude in cultural, economic, political policy can be effective in a further fulfillment of the Islamic-Iranian Model of Progress.

We used the affective profiles model to investigate individual differences in motivation, stress and energy. The aim was to replicate past findings, but we also focused on matched comparisons within individuals with affective profiles that are similar in one affective dimension and differ in the other in order to predict changes when individuals increase/decrease their experience of positive or negative affect. Methods: <span class="fontstyle2">A total of 567 participants answered the Positive Affect and Negative Affect Schedule, which was used for affective profiling; the Situational Motivation Scale, which measures intrinsic motivation, identified regulation, external regulation, and amotivation; and the Stress-Energy questionnaire. Results: <span class="fontstyle2">Comparisons between the four different profiles, replicating the past findings, showed that individuals with high affective and self-fulfilling profile scored highest in intrinsic motivation, identified regulation, and energy, while they scored lowest in external motivation, amotivation, and the self-fulfilling profile, also lowest in stress. Additionally, the matched comparisons showed, for example, that levels of intrinsic motivation increase when negative affect levels decrease, and positive affect is kept high when positive affect decreases and negative affect is kept low. Conclusions: One important feature of the affective profiles model is the possibility to compare individuals that are similar in one affect dimension but differ in the other (Garcia, 2011, 2017). This way of discussing individual differences helps to predict what changes could be expected when individuals increase or decrease their experience of positive or negative affect. Importantly, the direction of these changes cannot be addressed from cross-sectional data

By the advent of various political currents on the realm of power, Iran has witnessed the emergence of sub-discourses that preserve the principles and propositions of the Islamic Revolution's discourse but differ in the subordinate propositions and inter-discourse developments. The latest is a “Moderationist sub-discourse” that has overcome other sub-discourses as the eleventh state started working in Iran. An important aspect of these sub-discourses is the impacts on foreign policy, especially toward the neighboring countries. In this way, Georgia gets significant importance due to its geopolitical features and the great deal of historical, cultural, and civilizational commonalities to Iran. However, due to regional and international changing conditions along with coming up various foreign policy sub-discourses, the relations between the two countries have had lots of ups and downs. On the other hand, after the Russo-Georgian 2008 war, the Russian Federation has exerted great influence on the Georgian foreign policy; including the relations with Iran. Therefore, this paper seeks to answer the question, regarding Russo-Georgian 2008 war, how the Moderationist foreign policy discourse has affected the Iranian-Georgian relations? Findings of the study show that the presence of Moderationist sub discourse of Hassan Rouhani affected Iranian foreign policy and the pessimistic subjective impressions of the Georgian leaders towards the previous Iranian government regarding Russia`s 2008 invasion of Georgia. As a result, we have witnessed relative improvement in the relations between two countries in 2013-2017 compared to the relationships of the 2008-2013 period. This research uses the descriptive-analytical method.

In the Sabab-e-Nuzūl of verse 8 of Surah Al-Insān, it is stated that the Ahl al-Bayt (AS) gave their food for three consecutive days while they were fasting and in need of that food. Apparently, the way of giving alms here is extremist and moderation is not observed in it. Therefore, there is a contradiction between the quality of food by the Infallibles (AS) and the verse Make not thy hand tied (like a niggard’s) to thy neck, nor stretch it forth to its utmost reach, so that thou become blameworthy and destitute. (Isrāʼ/29) It is necessary to investigate this suspicion in order to protect the infallibility of Abrār. Therefore, this research has analyzed the mentioned conflict from two perspectives with a descriptive-analytical method: 1- The difference of context in the two verses 2- The difference in the existential capacity of human beings and the relativity of concepts. In the end, it is stated that the context of the word in Surah Al-Insān is praise and it cannot be contrary to verse 29 of Isrāʼ, in which moderation in almsgiving is recommended. Also based on the verse "On no soul doth Allah place a burden greater than it can bear." (Baqarah/286) and the differences in the existential capacity of human beings, the range of moderation in charity is different for each human being. Therefore, in the method of feeding, Abrār has observed moderation, but moderation at its highest level.  

Apparently, the most common debate in post-revolutionary Iran is the debate between "Tradition" and "Modernity," which ultimately has manifested in the two fronts of "Traditionalism or Fundamentalism" and "Reformism or Moderation." These two fundamental dichotomies have shown themselves in every crisis and transformation, and political parties and movements in Iran have grown and been able to attract public opinion and create a social base on the basis of this general rift in Iranian society. The present study aims to answer the main question of ‘How the future structuring and configuration of political movements in the Islamic Republic of Iran will be?’ And ‘What scenarios can be envisioned in this regard?’ To this aim, a qualitative document analysis method was used and data collected using the tool of fishing from various sources. Additionally, by employing the scenario-writing method, it delves into examining the future structuring and configuration of political movements in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Hence, three scenarios or configurations in the arrangement of political forces in Iran are conceivable: Continuation of the arrangement and structuring of political movements in the form of fundamentalism and moderation, reinterpretation and reconstruction of the principles and discursive elements of political movements known as fundamentalist and reformist and formation of a new arrangement and configuration.