مطالب مرتبط با کلیدواژه

Russia


۱.

An Outlook on Energy Cooperation Approaches in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Region(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)

نویسنده:
منبع: ژئوپلیتیک زمستان ۱۳۹۱ شماره ۲۸

کلیدواژه‌ها: Energy China Regionalism Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Eurasia Russia Central Asia

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In twentieth century, especially during the Cold War era, the two ideas of Nationalism and Internationalism were the main competitor approaches in different schools of thought in the field of international studies. However, global integration between states and nations from economic, cultural, and communicational aspects has created a new magnificent world which is more integrated and the interests of political units are more incorporated. Based on this new world order, the major rival trends in the world arena are two recent dominant approaches of globalism and regionalism. The appearance of the successful regionalism regimes in Europe and also in the South East Asian region while they have tried to keep their correlations with the global trends, have prepared a suitable model for other regions to construct regional unities in a globalized framework. This paper aims to examine one of the most important issues in the SCO region - the exploration and transportation of energy - in the framework of regionalism and globalism approaches. Regarding to this matter, the outlook of the energy cooperation between the SCO countries and the position of the other powerful players in the region will be analyzed. The opportunities and challenges confronted with the producers and consumers of this strategic commodity to achieve energy security in this region also will be discussed
۲.

Russia’s Foreign Policy in the Great Mediterranean: Prospects and Constraints(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)

نویسنده:
منبع: ژئوپلیتیک سال پانزدهم زمستان ۱۳۹۸ شماره ۴ (پیاپی ۵۶) 110 - 121

کلیدواژه‌ها: Mediterranean Black Sea region Balance of power Geopolitics Russia

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After 2014 Russia is seen powerful enough again to influence the Mediterranean region and change the passive defensive policy, practiced after the USSR’s dissolution, for active one. Analysis of attempts to squeeze Russia out of the Black Sea region shows the main strategies elaborated in the early 2000s by the leading US thinktanks. After 2014 Russia is seen powerful enough again to influence the Mediterranean region and change the passive defensive policy, practiced after the USSR’s dissolution, for active one. Analysis of attempts to squeeze Russia out of the Black Sea region shows the main strategies elaborated in the early 2000s by the leading US thinktanks. Authors give the geopolitical landscape of the region: 26 countries are classified into powers (actors) and objects for the realization of national interests of the former. Special attention is paid upon Turkey, Greece, Israel, France, Italy and Spain (with Gibraltar issue). The processes and balances that define Russia’s geopolitical interests in the Mediterranean region are seen in interconnection with the intentions of military and political leaders of the region detached on the basis of the geopolitical methodology. A variant of the “Russian balance” is offered as prospective to realize Russia’s national interests in the region.
۳.

The Basics and Functions of Putinism in Russia

نویسنده:
منبع: International Journal of Political Science, Vol ۹, No ۱ , Spring ۲۰۱۹ 1 - 15

کلیدواژه‌ها: Putin Putinism Political system Authoritarianism Pseudo-democracy Russia

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The present Russian political system is tied up with Putin's name; and Putin is consi-dered as a full-fledged political reality. Today's powerful Russia, which has got a new life after the Cold War and the weak collapse period, and has a major impact on global developments including the Middle East, is not understandable except under this title. What inspired writers to analyze Putin's performance is to study the causes of the exis-tence of a personality such as him and the formation of Putinism in today's Russian so-ciety. Knowing the performance of Putin and Putinism requires a clear answer to some questions like, why the phenomenon of Putinism in the 21st century whit democratic structure has emerged and persisted, and what is Putinism at all? The hypothesis that will be presented to understand this issue is that the long-standing political culture of Russia and the geographical and historical imperative of Russian nation have led to the emergence and continuation of Putinism in today's Russian society, as well as the secu-rity and economic problems of the 1990s, humiliation, pressure, and blockade of the west against Russia is the mainstay of the emergence and continuation of Putinism. To investigate the hypothesis of research, firstly we examine the system of pseudo-democracy and then we will discuss Putin's functions and behaviors in the economic, political, and social spheres. Finally, we will discuss about the Russian domestic context and the external factors that led to the formation of Putinism.
۴.

NATO and Security of Central Asia(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)

نویسنده:
منبع: The International Journal of Humanities, Volume ۱۳, Issue ۳ (۲۰۰۶) 65-84
تعداد بازدید : ۳۱۵ تعداد دانلود : ۲۱۵
The disappearance of bipolar system following the disintegration of the Soviet :union:, has also changed many strategic concepts. Central Asia, as a part of the Soviet empire, has become an arena for regional and global challenges after these transformations. The region, already faced with various political, economic, social and cultural problems, soon became a location for the activities of Islamic fundamentalists, which in turn intensified regional crisis. Different socio-political problems made the ground for these activities. The basic question of this paper is: What is the role of NATO enlargement and its effects on security provision in Central Asia? This paper tries to answer that, “what role can NATO play in Central Asia in order to provide security in this region specially after September 11th and the following events”. Based on current security issues in Central Asia, America has seriously emphasized on socio-economic reforms under the” Greater Middle East” framework. Central Asian leaders are obliged to control political, social and economic crisis to prevent terrorist acts and reduce public dissatisfaction. Political transformations following the Soviet :union: collapse have clearly revealed that the roots of threat and instability in Central Asia are essentially internal. Sooner or later, leaders of these states have to resolve these threats, based on a clear understanding of regional sociopolitical realities.
۵.

Content Analysis of Elementary Science Books by Using Soft Educational Technology to Teach Environmental Issues in Iran and Russia(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)

نویسنده:
منبع: آموزش محیط زیست و توسعه پایدار سال هشتم تابستان ۱۳۹۹ شماره ۴ 15 - 36

کلیدواژه‌ها: Soft Educational Technology Environment Iran Russia Science Book World Book Around Us

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Hard educational technologies received more attention today while soft educational technology has been considered as one of the keys and effective technologies in teaching and learning. The main purpose of this study was to investigate the use of soft educational technologies in teaching environmental issues in the first to the third grade of elementary science textbooks of Iran and Russia. This study is a descriptive analysis of the content. The statistical population of the study is all the first, second, and third-grade textbooks of sciences in Iran and the world around us in Russia. The statistical sample included environmental issues in the first, second, and third-grade elementary science textbooks of Iran and Russia. The research tool was a researcher-made checklist made by soft educational technology and an environmental health checklist from Yale University. The results showed that allegory and role-playing hadn't used at all to teach environmental issues in Iran. Questions and answers Iran 31.95, Russia 31.64)and comparisons of objects, the discovery of similarities and differences, and conclusions )Iran  20.61, Russia  17.72) have been widely used in both countries. In Iran, more emphasis has been placed on solving problems and carrying out projects(13.40), and more emphasis has been placed on the use of daily life activities(16.45) in teaching in Russia. The results also showed that the use of soft educational technology to teach environmental issues was given more significance in the third grade of an elementary school in both of the countries. Soft technology has been used less in the first grade of the elementary school of Iran but in the second grade of the elementary school of Russia.
۶.

U.S. Strategy toward Africa and Trump's Rivalry Competition: A Neo-Classical Approach(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)

نویسنده:
منبع: World Sociopolitical Studies, Winter ۲۰۲۰, Volume ۴, Issue ۱ 177 - 212

کلیدواژه‌ها: Africa China Neo-classical realism Rivalry Russia Trump US Strategy

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This article illustrates the fact that the U.S. administration's behavior toward Africa has always been shaped by the conception of rivalries' presence, rather than the potentials of the continent. In recent years, with the emergence of America’s rivals, such as China and Russia in Africa in the continent, who have invested not only in the African economy, but also in its security and military sectors, the notion of rivalries' limitation has been exaggerated in U.S. decision making toward Africa. Using a neoclassical approach, by analyzing the dynamism of the U.S. foreign policies toward Africa and Trump's rivalry-based policies, this article concludes that Trumps' African policy has not been different from that of his predecessors, and that the U.S. has always adopted a neoclassical realism approach toward Africa, which has been invigorated by the presidency of Trump.
۷.

Re-Focusing on Iran-Russia Cooperation in the Syrian Crisis; A ‘broader’ Strategic Stability on Agenda(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)

نویسنده:
منبع: ژئوپلیتیک سال هفدهم زمستان ۱۴۰۰ شماره ۴ (پیاپی ۶۴) 156 - 185

کلیدواژه‌ها: Strategic Stability Balance of power the Middle East Iran Russia the US

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The main purpose of this article is to examine how and to what extent Iran-Russia cooperation is effective in ensuring ‘broader’ strategic stability through balancing in the Middle East. Strategic stability and balance of power are interrelated components of the region’s order which have changed following the Arab Spring and the Syrian crisis. The article analyzes Iran and Russia’s impact on these two concepts, with a systemic approach, paying attention to interrelationship of variables at regional and international levels. Although strategic stability has been generally considered an issue at international level of great powers politics, this paper, emphasizing on evolution of international relations, believes in a new, complex and multilayered definition of strategic stability - a ‘broader’ one in the Middle East, which is not necessarily ensured by agreements or balance among great powers. The results indicate that Iran-Russia cooperative balancing in the Syrian crisis against the US and at regional level with emphasis on a broad regional balance system has been effective in providing ‘broader’ strategic stability in the region. Although Russia's policy in this field put some limits on Iran, strategically it serves Iran’s interests.
۸.

Russia's Strategy Toward Nagorno-Karabakh and Georgia (2008-2020)(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)

نویسنده:
منبع: Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs, Volume ۱۱, Issue ۳۲ - Serial Number ۲, July ۲۰۲۰ 467 - 491

کلیدواژه‌ها: Russia Nagorno Karabakh Georgia Iran Security Strategy Copenhagen school

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The South Caucasus region is experiencing crises that have continued for many years. Russia's war with Georgia in 2008 and the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh region after the collapse of the Soviet Union (1991) changed the security order in the South Caucasus. Russia has interests as a global player in the South Caucasus region and Kremlin considers it's near abroad as its backyard and exclusive sphere of influence. This article uses a descriptive-analytical method as well as the theory of regional security of Barry Buzan to answer the question of what is Russia's security strategy towards the South Caucasus region. The main hypothesis emphasizes that Russia's strategy in the South Caucasus region is to prevent securitization of the region against its economic and political interests, as well as prevent the influence and presence of NATO, in the region. The results show that in tensions with Georgia, Russia seeks to prevent Western interference and urges them to recognize the separation of Abkhazia and South Ossetia from Georgia. On the other hand, Russia's foreign policy in the face of the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis is to maintain a balance between the two parties involved, Armenia and Azerbaijan, to cooperate with both countries, and to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict by a political solution, not a military one. The purpose of this article is to examine Russia's security strategy in the South Caucasus, with a particular focus on Georgia and the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis from the beginning of the crisis until 2020. And then it offers specific reasons for the confrontation between Russia and the West, as well as Iran's role in regional security issues. 
۹.

Georgia in Russian Foreign Policy: Implications for Iran(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)

نویسنده:
منبع: Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs, Volume ۱۲, Issue ۳۳- Serial Number ۱, January ۲۰۲۱ 151 - 174

کلیدواژه‌ها: Russia Georgia Iran Balance of power Security

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Georgia has experienced many developments since independence because of the presence of Russia and the West in this country, which has played an important role in making a balance of power between Russia and the West. Therefore, examining the factors that have made Georgia's role important will help to identify the issue. So, the main question in this article is what is the role of Georgia in the balance of power between Russia and the West and its impact on Iran's national security? Our hypothesis is, the role of Georgia is important in the balance of power between Russia and the West due to its unique geopolitical position and its pro-western policies, and this orientation has an important impact on Iran's national security. The hypothesis has been investigated according to the assumptions of Kenneth Waltz's balance of power theory and Mackinder’s geopolitical theory. Findings show that Georgia, as a small country, has felt threatened by Russia and has tried to join the Western structure, which has highlighted Georgia's role in the balance of power between the two sides. The West has used the energy resources of the Caspian Sea to supply its energy and Georgia is playing a key role in this process, which jeopardizes Russia's policy of monopolizing Europe's energy supply. Thus, the Western military presence in Georgia and Russia's monopoly policy to supply energy to the European Union has a negative impact on Iran's national security. The research method is descriptive-explanatory.
۱۰.

Iran's Foreign Policy Discourse and the Russia-Georgia-Iran Triangle (2013-2017)(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)

نویسنده:
منبع: Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs, Volume ۱۲, Issue ۳۳- Serial Number ۱, January ۲۰۲۱ 175 - 192

کلیدواژه‌ها: Foreign Policy Discourse Moderation Georgia Iran Russia

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By the advent of various political currents on the realm of power, Iran has witnessed the emergence of sub-discourses that preserve the principles and propositions of the Islamic Revolution's discourse but differ in the subordinate propositions and inter-discourse developments. The latest is a “Moderationist sub-discourse” that has overcome other sub-discourses as the eleventh state started working in Iran. An important aspect of these sub-discourses is the impacts on foreign policy, especially toward the neighboring countries. In this way, Georgia gets significant importance due to its geopolitical features and the great deal of historical, cultural, and civilizational commonalities to Iran. However, due to regional and international changing conditions along with coming up various foreign policy sub-discourses, the relations between the two countries have had lots of ups and downs. On the other hand, after the Russo-Georgian 2008 war, the Russian Federation has exerted great influence on the Georgian foreign policy; including the relations with Iran. Therefore, this paper seeks to answer the question, regarding Russo-Georgian 2008 war, how the Moderationist foreign policy discourse has affected the Iranian-Georgian relations? Findings of the study show that the presence of Moderationist sub discourse of Hassan Rouhani affected Iranian foreign policy and the pessimistic subjective impressions of the Georgian leaders towards the previous Iranian government regarding Russia`s 2008 invasion of Georgia. As a result, we have witnessed relative improvement in the relations between two countries in 2013-2017 compared to the relationships of the 2008-2013 period. This research uses the descriptive-analytical method.
۱۱.

Russia and Hamas after 2006: Realities of a Questionable Relationship(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)

نویسنده:
منبع: World Sociopolitical Studies, Volume ۵, Issue ۱, Winter ۲۰۲۱ 193 - 223

کلیدواژه‌ها: Hamas Israel Middle East Palestine Russia

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This article aims at examining Russia's relations with the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) and Moscow's motives and goals for the establishment and enhancement of those ties. We explore Russia's worldview to position the Middle East and Hamas in a pre-established frame, subsequently examining the reasons behind the development of these relationships. This article sets out to answer a two-fold question: What has been Russia's aim of receiving Hamas leaders and establishing high-level relations with this movement since 2006, and what components have influenced these interactions at international and regional levels? The paper argues that Russia considers its relations with Muslim nations and movements not only a foreign policy principle but also a domestic issue. Hence, it seeks to take advantage of the U.S. retrenchment from the region to expand its influence, play a mediatory role in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and elevate its reputation among Muslims inside and outside the country. Recognizing Hamas' position, Russia resolved to develop its ties with Hamas' leaders, started negotiating with all the parties in the Palestinian national reconciliation process, and provided political, economic, cultural, financial, and security support to eventually affect Hamas' stance vis-à-vis Israel.
۱۲.

Sino-Russian Energy Relations: Dimensions and Prospects(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)

نویسنده:
منبع: World Sociopolitical Studies, Volume ۵, Issue ۴, Autumn ۲۰۲۱ 659 - 690

کلیدواژه‌ها: China energy policy Gas Oil Russia

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Access and control of Energy has not only been historically instrumental in the sociopolitical and economic shaping of nations, but also central to the global world of politics, systems, and geopolitics. Energy resources of the Russian Federation have made the country more influential in world politics. Energy and geopolitical issues are especially important to modern People’s Republic of China as a tool for the country’s economic growth. Since the mid twentieth century, both countries have attempted to establish mutual energy cooperation as a key component of their strategic alliance based on producer-consumer needs and the Good Neighborly Treaty. Nonetheless, since the end of the cold war in the 1990s, the energy negotiations have been long and unproductive because both nations are on both sides of the energy market. For the Russian Federation, revenue from its oil and gas sector traditionally makes up a large portion of its budget. Thus, Russia is unwilling to make concessions and involve China in its major upstream energy projects. In the interim, China also seeks to diversify its oil and gas resources and imports for its own political dependency, growth, and to prevent countries from overreliance on one single source and market. Issues such as pricing and the provisions of agreements have made the energy relations between the two countries more complex than the relations between producers and consumers. Despite the two countries being neighbors, their relations have not been developed.
۱۴.

The Role of the Great Game in the Inefficiency of the Formality System of the Iranian Court from 1796 to 1896(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)

نویسنده:
منبع: ژئوپلیتیک سال هجدهم زمستان ۱۴۰۱ شماره ۴ (پیاپی ۶۸) 226 - 249

کلیدواژه‌ها: Formalities Iran Britain Russia Qajar

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Historically, formalities and diplomatic protocols, as one of the pillars of successful international diplomacy, have played a crucial role in shaping the political currents of the time. This study examines and studies the role and effect of British-Russian rivalries regarding the inefficiency of the Iranian formality system, as well as analyzing the function of these formalities in the relations of this power triangle during the Qajar era, and by means of a historical method and a descriptive-analytical view which is based on documents, travelogues and historical resources of the Qajar era, it seeks to answer the questions of to what extent diplomatic rituals and ceremonies have been effective in the rivalry and emulation of Russian and British governments in Iran? What were the factors that led to the structural weakness of Iran's formalities and its becoming a buffer state in the great game between Russia and Britain? What role did the performance of the Russian and British ambassadors play in Iran's formality relations? It seems that factors such as imitation and competition of the British and Russian ambassadors for Formalities respect caused the role of Formalities in Iran's relations with the Russian and British governments to be not positive and effective. Meanwhile, the performance of the Russian and British ambassadors, the establishment of Formality agreements and the negligence of the Iranian government were not ineffective in shaping formality actions and reactions between the governments
۱۵.

Iran and Russia's great power Role (with emphasis on the Syrian crisis)(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)

نویسنده:
منبع: Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs, Volume ۱۲, Issue ۳۴ - Serial Number ۲, July ۲۰۲۱ 464 - 492

کلیدواژه‌ها: Iran Hedging Strategy Holistic Alliance Russia great power Syria

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Russia's involvement in the Syrian crisis has changed from a limited action to a fundamental strategy. Russia, which was ousted from the club of great powers after the collapse of the Soviet Union, was looking for an opportunity to return. Restoring the position of "great power" is Putin's main idea based on the identity and historical foundations of the Russians. In this regard, the Syrian crisis has been a turning point in the process of reviving the position of Russia's great power. Accordingly, the main question of the article is: "What role has Iran played in restoring Russia's great power position, especially in the Syrian crisis?" The hypothesis is formulated as follows: "During the Syrian crisis, Russia has used a hedging strategy in the Middle East. Russia's special relationship with Iran in the Syrian crisis has been Russia's relative advantage, which has played a significant role in restoring Russia's status as a great power. Russia implemented a hedging strategy with a holistic alliance". The data of this article are collected from new and comprehensive sources and processed in a descriptive-analytical method.
۱۶.

The Middle East and Iran in Russia's Foreign Policy after the Ukraine War(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)

نویسنده:
منبع: Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs, Volume ۱۲, Issue ۳۴ - Serial Number ۲, July ۲۰۲۱ 493 - 524

کلیدواژه‌ها: Russia Ukraine war the West Embargo look to the East Middle Eastern policy

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The war in Ukraine and the prospect of continuing and even intensifying tensions in Russia's relations with the West have strongly affected its foreign policy priorities. The "Look East" Strategy, which has historical roots in Russian foreign policy and has been more seriously pursued by the Kremlin since the second half of the 1990s and especially in the last decade, has become the dominant approach in Moscow's foreign policy. In fact, after the war in Ukraine, Russia has no choice but to go east. In this situation, the question is how the war in Ukraine will affect Russian policy toward the Middle East and Iran. What changes will happen in Russia's foreign policy regarding this region? It seems that parallel to the dominance of the "Look East" approach in Russia's foreign policy, the Middle East will also find a more strategic position in the country's foreign policy priorities. After the war in Ukraine, Russia will need to maintain and strengthen relations with the Middle East countries especially Iran much more than before in order to reduce the consequences of the political and economic pressures of the West. The methodology of this research is descriptive-analytical and the method of data collection is the library. In this regard, books, articles, documents, and Internet resources have been used to collect data.
۱۷.

Economic Resilience in Challenging Times: A Crossroads of Russia's Experience and Prospects for Iran(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)

نویسنده:
منبع: World Sociopolitical Studies, Volume ۶, Issue ۴, Autumn ۲۰۲۲ 805 - 833

کلیدواژه‌ها: Economic Resilience economic resistance Western sanctions SWOT analysis Iran Russia

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significance, as they have grappled with enduring economic and political sanctions imposed by Western powers. Over time, both Iran and Russia have confronted a series of sanctions targeting their economic and financial sectors. In response to the adverse effects of these sanctions, both nations have embraced a strategy of 'resistance.' Experts contend that financial and economic sanctions induce substantial shifts in a country's macroeconomic landscape, prompting the adoption of distinct policies and strategic orientations. Against this backdrop, this research undertakes a comprehensive examination and analysis of the discourses surrounding economic resistance and resilient economies in Iran and the Russian Federation, with a focus on elucidating their commonalities and disparities. The research methodology employed in this study is the SWOT analysis method. Findings reveal that both Iran and Russia, while contending with Western sanctions, have pursued the implementation of resilient economy and economic resistance strategies, respectively. Iran's resilient economy signifies a transition towards long-term economic resilience rooted in religious principles. Conversely, Russia's economic resistance constitutes a short-term response to sanctions driven by political considerations".
۱۸.

Oil Price Manipulation as a Geoeconomic Weapon Against the Soviet Union / Russia(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)

نویسنده:
منبع: ژئوپلیتیک سال نوزدهم تابستان ۱۴۰۲ شماره ۲ (پیاپی ۷۰) 66 - 90

کلیدواژه‌ها: economic warfare Geoeconomics Oil Russia Soviet Union

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In modern geopolitics economic warfare has become more and more significant. This paper examines a special segment of economic warfare: can oil price be manipulated and serve as an effective geopolitical (or geoeconomic) weapon, and if that is the case, under what conditions? This article demonstrates that the United States and its allies (mainly Saudi Arabia)—when certain economic, technological, and political conditions are fulfilled—may be able to achieve a considerable and lasting decline in oil prices to restrain the military/geopolitical activities of the Soviet Union/Russia that are deemed overly excessive. This paper analyses the relationship between the oil market and geopolitics in the last decade of the Cold War, when the oil price fell sharply contributing to the collapse of the Soviet economic and political system. Research results may prove useful in forming the geopolitical/geoeconomic strategy of superpowers, and it may be applied to forecast oil price fluctuations too.
۱۹.

Assessing NATO's Deterrence Strategy against Russian Federation Security Threats in the Baltic Sea(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)

نویسنده:
منبع: ژئوپلیتیک سال نوزدهم تابستان ۱۴۰۲ شماره ۲ (پیاپی ۷۰) 247 - 280

کلیدواژه‌ها: NATO Russia Baltic Region Extended Deterrence Deterrence by Denial Deterrence by Punishment

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Today, the Baltic Sea has become the epicenter of the European crisis. The Baltic Sea is the only region where NATO has a land border with Russia, increasing the region's sensitivity. The slightest incident can turn into a full-blown war in the region. Russia's complex security challenges, the region's geopolitical situation, and the Baltic states' defense vulnerabilities have raised the need to revive NATO's military presence and strengthen deterrence against Russia. In the light of interpretive structural modeling, this study seeks to answer the question of what effect Russia's escalating activities in the Baltic Sea have had on the effectiveness of NATO's deterrence strategy in the region. Given the theoretical framework of broad deterrence, it hypothesized that Russia's security strategy in the three areas of conventional, nuclear, and hybrid threat had led NATO to move toward broad deterrence based on the threat of punishment and denial. However, both types of deterrence do not have the quantity and quality necessary to fully contain Russia in the region, as in the Cold War. In order to measure efficiency according to the research method and its extended formulation, the indicators of credibility, communication, and capability are used. The findings show that deterrence through punishment is much more pronounced than deterrence through denial and that the normal state of deterrence in NATO is highly vulnerable to Russia. Weaknesses in capability and communication have also led to the fragility of NATO's deterrent credentials in the region, making the Baltic Sea very sensitive and critical.
۲۰.

How and Why Nader Shah Established the Navy in the Caspian Sea(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)

نویسنده:
منبع: The International Journal of Humanities, Volume ۳۰, Issue ۳ (۲۰۲۳) 85-95

کلیدواژه‌ها: Caspian Sea Shipbuilding Russia John Alton

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The article, by using historical texts, attempts to reconstruct part of the ups and downs of the Caspian Sea’s southern coastal history, the importance of navigation on the shores and ports of the Caspian Sea, and the impact of Nader Shah's policies on the formation and prosperity of navigation in northern Iran. Based on library resources and a thorough analysis of the contents, the article seeks to answer the following questions: 1. What were Nader Shah Afshar's motives and goals in establishing shipping in the Caspian Sea? 2. Why the Russian government was suspicious of this issue? The findings of the study indicate that Nader Shah intended to boost the commercial prosperity of the country by forming a navy in the Caspian Sea and also achieve his political and military goals which were in contrast to the interests of the Russian Tsarist government. Finally, the main purpose of this study is to examine the state of trade, navigation, and shipbuilding during the Nader Shah period, by using the historical approach and archaeological evidence of the shipwreck off the coast of Chamkhaleh in Langarud County which is undoubtedly closely related to the political-military presence of the government and social presence. Hence, the role and position of local rulers of the Caspian Sea coasts and how they interacted with the Afsharid dynasty and foreign companies are noteworthy.