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Apparently only during the recent years the governments have discerned urban diplomacy capacity exploitation planned for substantial administration and management in various areas and scopes of cultural, crafts, scientific, sports, economic, industrial, tourism or peace and security. Thereupon, the impact of urban diplomacy basic strategies upon completion of global city indicators can further be studied in compliance with scholars such as Hubbard al (2007), Pluijim (2007), Brown (2002) intellectual consensus. In this survey, urban diplomacy has additionally been examined based on six main principles: - a) urban security, b) urban development, c) urban economy, d) urban net-works, e) urban representative, and f) urban culture. In procedure, urban diplomacy can methodical-ly be reviewed within the two contexts of urban international cooperation: - i) sister cities relations and multilateral cooperation and, ii) membership and activities of international institutions and or-ganizations in urban management. Yet still, the most significant index of cities entry to global cities Jirga desideratum urban security to assure psychological security, life safety and financial security and furthermore, consider tourists and investors credence, hitherto, adjoin global city contributing to cities network such that in spite of time expedient could withstand action and reaction of events and be effective. Evidently, constitution of delegation of authorities representing international and regional institutions and organizations in cities and recognition of necessary capacity can provide for global city ‘Globalization’ process. In addition to what mentioned, assets of urban culture cor-responding to history and people of the respective city in the supply chain opinion, to define global city indicators is also highly significant since human relations between citizens for a city of tourists and other representatives to meet the criteria of global cities “culture” is additionally a distinction. From this perspective, circulation of urban economy, welfare seekers, fundraising, small and large businesses, economy of construction and industry, economy of art, etc. entirely facilitate urban de-velopment strategies to incept a developed city with bright horizon for advance towards global path.

Despite common interests, historical ties, and mutual needs in areas such as military and economic cooperation, Iran–China relations have not evolved into a decisive level of strategic partnership. Accordingly, the authors of the present article seek to explore this issue through the lens of strategic culture. By examining the key components of the strategic cultures of Both Countries, as well as the internal obstacles and challenges arising from them, this study aims to answer the question: How has the strategic culture of Iran and China, at the domestic level, influenced the development of their strategic partnership? It appears that the absence of a shared perspective among the political elites of Iran and China on various issues has hindered the formation of a decisive strategic partnership between the two countries. The research findings indicate that the role of security considerations and domestic issues—such as differing strategic cultures reflected in policymakers’ perceptions of elements like power, legitimacy, welfare, development, and security—along with internal constraints in both countries, have played a fundamental role in creating obstacles within Iran-China strategic relations. This study employs a qualitative-interpretive methodology with an explanatory approach.

This research seeks to address whether the European Union (EU) has successfully maintained its strategic autonomy in managing key global issues and crises, a critical element in its decision-making process and a fundamental aspect of the institution itself. The study's conceptual framework centers on the notion of the EU's strategic autonomy, which is analyzed through three case studies: Iran's nuclear issue, the war in Ukraine, and the Gaza crisis. The hypothesis posits that the EU's responses to Iran's nuclear program and the conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza reveal a deficiency in its strategic autonomy. Iran's nuclear issue, after two decades of extensive negotiations and agreements that ultimately failed, represents a key instance where the EU's inability to assert strategic autonomy is most evident. Moreover, the EU's handling of the Ukraine and Gaza conflicts, marked by inconsistencies in its application of soft power and moral-value-based leadership, has further cast doubt on the Union's strategic autonomy. The research findings, derived from these case studies, suggest that without political coherence and a unified diplomatic and political strategy—critical elements of strategic autonomy—the EU will continue to be perceived as a dependent and subordinate actor. This condition is commonly referred to in the academic literature as a "strategic autonomy deficit" or a "political and military sovereignty deficit." The methodology of this research is descriptive and analytical, utilizing data collected from a range of sources, including books, peer-reviewed journal articles, online databases, and authoritative expert opinions.