Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs (IRFA)

The geopolitical landscape of West Asia, especially the Persian Gulf region, is characterized by protracted conflicts, humanitarian crises, and complex historical grievances. To address these challenges and foster stability, this paper proposes the establishment of a new constructive initiative - the Muslim West Asian Dialogue Association (MWADA) - at the heart of the region. This initiative seeks to bring together key Muslim nations in this region for comprehensive dialogue and cooperative action, grounded in principles of mutual respect, shared security, and economic integration. By focusing on shared challenges and opportunities, MWADA aims to transform the current narrative of conflict into one of collaboration and sustainable development, emphasizing the urgent need for a collective approach to regional issues.

This research seeks to address whether the European Union (EU) has successfully maintained its strategic autonomy in managing key global issues and crises, a critical element in its decision-making process and a fundamental aspect of the institution itself. The study's conceptual framework centers on the notion of the EU's strategic autonomy, which is analyzed through three case studies: Iran's nuclear issue, the war in Ukraine, and the Gaza crisis. The hypothesis posits that the EU's responses to Iran's nuclear program and the conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza reveal a deficiency in its strategic autonomy. Iran's nuclear issue, after two decades of extensive negotiations and agreements that ultimately failed, represents a key instance where the EU's inability to assert strategic autonomy is most evident. Moreover, the EU's handling of the Ukraine and Gaza conflicts, marked by inconsistencies in its application of soft power and moral-value-based leadership, has further cast doubt on the Union's strategic autonomy. The research findings, derived from these case studies, suggest that without political coherence and a unified diplomatic and political strategy—critical elements of strategic autonomy—the EU will continue to be perceived as a dependent and subordinate actor. This condition is commonly referred to in the academic literature as a "strategic autonomy deficit" or a "political and military sovereignty deficit." The methodology of this research is descriptive and analytical, utilizing data collected from a range of sources, including books, peer-reviewed journal articles, online databases, and authoritative expert opinions.

Along with geopolitical reasons lurking beneath the surface of Tehran-Beijing connections, such an odd partnership between an Islamist government and a communist one brings religious-ideological elements to the fore. Iran’s relationship with China is compatible with its dominant ideological-religious doctrine. The paper introduces a new understanding of the Sino-Persian Connections from a religious-ideological prism. ‘How and under what mechanisms has Iran made its Chinese policy compatible with its religious-ideological codes? This is the pivotal question that guides the analytical narrative of the paper. The paper argues that Shia Jurisprudence has specific religious foundations that justify Iran’s policy towards China. It highlights both ‘Principlism’ and ‘Jurisprudence Pragmatism’ through which Iran expands its relations with China. Principlism asserts that the expansion of ties with China does not conflict with the religious principle of rejecting domination by non-Muslim foreigners. That is why Iranian elites do not perceive the expansion of China's influence as a form of new imperialist expansionism that could lead to the domination of a non-Muslim country over a Muslim one. Jurisprudence Pragmatism posits that the rule of expediency in Shia jurisprudence mitigates the conflict between China's policies towards its Muslim population and Iran's proclaimed support for Muslims worldwide. This pragmatism provides a religious justification for maintaining relations with Beijing.

Having deep historical roots, the relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of India have been shaped by a multitude of factors, encompassing domestic, regional, and international developments. The influence of major powers on the contemporary ties of these two countries stands out among the international factors. Drawing on the analytical framework developed by Erzsébet N. Rózsa (2021), this paper aims to examine the role of the United States (US) in transforming the dynamics of Iran-India relations. The central argument put forth is that the foreign policy behavior of both countries towards each other in recent years is driven by national strategic interests rather than historical connections. The study employs a three-tiered analysis, examining the bilateral, regional, and global levels. Each level focuses on particular prominent aspects, such as trade flows and the energy market, developments in Southwest Asia, and the nuclear issue, respectively. This article contends that at all three levels, the importance of forging a strong bilateral relationship between India and Iran cannot be overlooked, given their numerous converging interests. However, the US foreign policy towards Tehran, notably through the maximum pressure campaign initiated by former President Donald Trump and President Joe Biden’s failure to reverse unilateral sanctions, has indeed had a significantly detrimental impact on the ties between the two countries in the post-JCPOA period.

This article investigates the evolving trajectory of Iran’s regional diplomacy in the aftermath of the Abraham Accords (2020), which marked a major shift in Middle Eastern geopolitics by initiating normalization between Israel and several Arab states. The central inquiry of this study is whether the Islamic Republic of Iran continues to uphold its long-standing doctrine of "strategic patience" or is transitioning toward a new, more adaptive diplomatic doctrine in response to emerging regional alignments. Drawing on a qualitative analysis of official policy statements, regional diplomatic developments, and doctrinal texts in Persian and Arabic, this study examines Iran’s evolving strategy through the dual lenses of geopolitical realism and Islamic theological frameworks—especially the doctrine of Velayat-e Faqih (Guardianship of the Jurist). The article argues that Iran’s foreign policy posture reflects a hybrid model: while ideological commitments to anti-Zionism and Islamic solidarity remain strong, there are growing signs of pragmatic engagement, particularly in Iran’s overtures toward Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Iraq. This pragmatic turn is framed within Shiite concepts such as maslahat (public interest) and hikmah (strategic wisdom), allowing Tehran to recalibrate without abandoning core ideological principles. The findings reveal a nuanced shift toward a dual-track strategy that combines deterrence with diplomacy, resistance with regional dialogue. This approach enables Iran to navigate its theological commitments while responding to shifting regional dynamics. The article contributes to the broader discourse on the intersection of religion and foreign policy in the Middle East and offers insights into how revolutionary states adapt in a transforming international environment.

Following the end of World War II and the onset of the Cold War between East and West in the Middle East, the United States gravitated toward supporting Israel as a means to realize its vision of global hegemony, ultimately establishing Israel as a strategic ally in the region. Washington’s support for Tel Aviv is rooted in shared values, beliefs, and the security of mutual interests. This article aims to provide an insightful and accurate understanding of the United States’ strategic reorientation in response to the Gaza crisis. Thus, the research seeks to address the question: What direction will the future of U.S.-Israel relations take in light of the Gaza crisis? The study examines the hypothesis that the future of U.S.-Israel relations could evolve into a form of limited cooperation, characterized by a reduction in Israel’s economic, political, and military dependency on the United States and a shift toward Tel Aviv’s self-reliance. This research is grounded in constructivist theory. Using a futures studies methodology, it explores U.S.-Israel relations in connection with developments in Gaza. The findings demonstrate that the Gaza crisis and the security threats faced by Israel have introduced a new phase of convergence between the two nations. However, this convergence may take the form of limited cooperation due to fundamental challenges, including the decline of the U.S.'s global position, the rise of new powers, and regional challenges.

The control of regional threats has consistently been a crucial aspect of the United States' strategies in various regions. With the adoption of anti-hegemonic policies by the Islamic Republic of Iran in West Asia, the US's regional threat control strategy has been specifically designed and implemented against it. The strategy to contain Iran has undergone a fundamental transformation in response to shifts in the security landscape of West Asia. Understanding this alteration is essential for obtaining a more accurate understanding of the US’s containment strategy, which facilitates the development of more effective countermeasures and neutralization tactics. The central research question of this study is: How has the US control system against the Islamic Republic of Iran evolved, and what are its underlying causes? In addressing this question, the following hypothesis is proposed: The US control system against Iran has shifted from a straightforward, linear, resource-oriented framework to a complex, multi-layered network control system. This change is deeply rooted in the transition of the regional order from a simple structure to one that is increasingly complex and chaotic. The research methodology employed in this article is deductive, with resources and information being gathered through document-based and library research.

Multilateralism deals with cooperation and coordination between countries with the aim of achieving common goals. Multilateralism, especially in the East Asian region, plays an important role in facilitating cooperation and coordination between countries to face challenges and take advantage of common opportunities. This policy helps by forming institutions and mechanisms such as unions and regional institutions, promoting trade and investment, cultural and educational exchanges, and resolving regional and international conflicts. The present article answers the key question; what effect has the process of multilateralism in East Asia had on the policy of looking towards the East of Iran? In response to this question and using the analytical descriptive method, to examine the different approaches and strategies of East Asian countries in creating multilateral institutions such as ASEAN plus three, China-ASEAN Free Trade Area, Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the Belt and Road Initiative. which has led to the strengthening of the policy of looking towards the east of Iran, has been discussed. Participation in East Asian multilateralism brings economic opportunities for Iran, access to new resources and markets, strengthening of technology, strengthening of political relations and diplomacy, and interaction with regional actors. These reasons can encourage Iran to play a role in the framework of East Asian multilateralism and develop its relations with the countries of the region. These proposals may include strengthening economic exchanges, establishing political and security cooperation mechanisms, facilitating cultural and educational exchanges, and promoting public diplomacy between the respective countries.

Despite common interests, historical ties, and mutual needs in areas such as military and economic cooperation, Iran–China relations have not evolved into a decisive level of strategic partnership. Accordingly, the authors of the present article seek to explore this issue through the lens of strategic culture. By examining the key components of the strategic cultures of Both Countries, as well as the internal obstacles and challenges arising from them, this study aims to answer the question: How has the strategic culture of Iran and China, at the domestic level, influenced the development of their strategic partnership? It appears that the absence of a shared perspective among the political elites of Iran and China on various issues has hindered the formation of a decisive strategic partnership between the two countries. The research findings indicate that the role of security considerations and domestic issues—such as differing strategic cultures reflected in policymakers’ perceptions of elements like power, legitimacy, welfare, development, and security—along with internal constraints in both countries, have played a fundamental role in creating obstacles within Iran-China strategic relations. This study employs a qualitative-interpretive methodology with an explanatory approach.

Topic and Significance of the Discussion: The Islamic Republic of Iran boasts 190,000 square kilometers of maritime territory and over 5,800 kilometers of coastline, with approximately 40% of its borders being maritime. A crucial element in the realm of marine defense diplomacy is the enhancement of maritime defense capabilities, which includes extending the presence of naval fleets beyond territorial waters and into international waters. Consequently, the Supreme Leader has consistently emphasized the importance of leveraging maritime resources and strengthening naval forces. The central research question is: What are the regional and transregional security policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the maritime domain, and what achievements have been realized in pursuit of maritime-oriented development? Results: The regional and transregional security policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran can be demonstrated through the enhancement of its strategic naval force, which consists of both the Navy and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Navy, each playing a complementary role. This policy yields several key outcomes: it allows for the display of the Islamic Republic of Iran's flag in distant waters, ensures the security of Iranian commercial ships and oil tankers to promote sustainable international maritime security, and safeguards Iran's interests in strategically important waters. Additionally, it showcases the naval force's capability to operate wherever the nation's interests dictate. The policy also aims to send messages of peace and friendship globally while countering narratives of Iranophobia. It enhances combat capabilities, broadens the operational reach of naval units, and evaluates Iran's readiness and self-sufficiency in the realms of science and technology. The policy maintains a presence in targeted waters despite facing comprehensive economic and military sanctions and allows for the acquisition of valuable experiences in navigation and international maritime law by traversing critical, heavily trafficked international straits and waterways. Furthermore, it facilitates the collection of intelligence regarding the combat readiness and deployment status of transregional forces, broadens the scope of Iran's diplomatic efforts, and establishes security to promote trade in both regional and international contexts. This, in turn, fosters economic activity and supports maritime-oriented development.

In the context of efficient governance, all the pillars of any political system in the 21st century use their capacities to secure and guarantee national interests as facilitators and complements of the state, whereas in the past this was the sole responsibility of the states. The role of parliaments in this field, which is referred to as parliamentary diplomacy, falls within the aforementioned framework. In this regard, the of the Islamic Parliament of Iran, as an active parliament in the field of multilateral parliamentary diplomacy, has participated in the establishment of the Asian Parliamentary Assembly and the Parliamentary Union of the OIC Member States (PUIC). In addition, by constantly attending the meetings of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, it has emphasized its importance in international relations. Therefore, in the present article, using documents and library resources by reading texts in an exploratory method in response to the question of what achievements the Islamic Parliament of Iran has made in the framework of parliamentary diplomacy, This hypothesis is examined based on the rational choice institutionalism, Although the Islamic Parliament of Iran has turned to multilateral parliamentarism in recent years, efforts to strengthen it as a complementary and facilitating diplomacy through cooperation with the parliaments of neighboring countries are a constructive step.

This research examines how Eastern European countries balance NATO commitments and independent policies in response to the Gaza crisis, with special attention to Iran's role in this equation. The findings of this study show reveal that Eastern European countries, despite structural limitations, maintain significant autonomy in their foreign policy. These countries have shown diverse responses to the Gaza crisis, reflecting a combination of security considerations, economic interests, domestic political constraints, and historical and cultural influences. Iran's role as a key regional actor in the Middle East represents an important variable in the foreign policy calculations of these countries. Comparative analysis of official positions and diplomatic actions reveals a significant gap between discourse and practice. The pattern of Eastern European countries' responses to Gaza crises provides a deeper understanding of foreign policy dynamics in the region and offers a framework for future analyses that incorporate the "Iran factor" in Eastern European foreign policy calculations.