political science

Following Russia's invasion of Ukraine and the ensuing war, Russia lost a significant portion of its gas market in Europe. This market had been a crucial tool for bargaining and exerting pres-sure on the West, and it also brought substantial economic benefits to Moscow. This was espe-cially true for gas exports to Germany, which had seen the construction of the Nord Stream pipe-line, with plans for Nord Stream 2 also underway before the war began, leading to the halting of both projects. Consequently, energy relations between Russia and Europe deteriorated. Following the Ukraine war, Europe was compelled to secure its gas supply from the United States, despite incurring significantly higher costs. Currently, the U.S. is the largest supplier of gas to Europe. This process led Russia to seek alternative markets for its gas exports. China and India, two ma-jor global consumers, are markets Russia is eager to capture. Currently, Russia is China's largest supplier of gas. Although a large gas pipeline already delivers Russian gas to China, Moscow isn't content with this alone and aims to diversify its methods of product delivery. Iran is a cru-cial option for Russia to transport gas, as it is close to India and can also meet some of China's needs. Furthermore, Russia is considering physically connecting its economic interests with the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf, particularly the UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia. Rus-sia believes that by doing so, it can establish a major gas economic bloc and become a counter-weight to competitors, especially the United States. From this perspective, it could be argued that the Iran-Russia gas pipeline is, in fact, a replacement for Nord Stream and could transform Iran into a regional energy hub. This article aims to explore the possibility of Iran becoming a region-al energy hub through economic cooperation with Russia in the energy sector, thoroughly exam-ining the opportunities and challenges involved. The research method employed was SWOT analysis.

Henry Kissinger, a famous American politician and thinker, has played an effective and essential role in the foreign policy of the United States towards Iran after September 11th. He was a realist individual in the field of thought, who is from the political tradition of the United States' pragmatism and followed special methods in the field of international relations. In this research, with the aim of examining the American macro strategy towards Iran based on Kissinger's teachings, we are looking for an answer to the question, what is Kissinger's approach to the issue of Iran in American foreign policy? The hypothesis that was put forward is that Kissinger's approach or Kissingerism regarding Iran is to integrate Iran into the global and regional order by maintaining the distribution of power in the Middle East region, to deal with the growing threats and influence of Iran by creating a network of regional partners to maintain the supremacy and hegemony of America and Israel, to convince Iran to stop exporting the revolution and to behave according to the Westphalian principles and the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of countries, to induce the consequences of a dangerous nuclear Iran and to adopt effective diplomacy instead of war. Finally, using the descrip-tive-analytical method, we came to the conclusion that there is an important and meaningful rela-tionship between the grand strategy and Kissinger's teachings, in such a way that containment of Iran, disarmament and prevention of a nuclear Iran, returning Iran to the regional and world order, Iranophobic strategy, alliance and coalition building and preventing Iran's regional hegemony are among the important things that can be seen both in Kissinger's approach and in America's macro strategy and in the doctrines of American presidents after September 11th.

Since the 16th century, evangelical Christians have always made extensive efforts to attract Jews and Christians and tried to induce the thinking of managing the events of the end of time and making the appearance of Christ come into being. They have done major works such as author-ing books, writing many articles, holding congresses, and influencing them; Because they be-lieve that one of the steps of the reappearance of Christ is the return of all Jews to Palestine and the support of the Israeli government so that currently the most essential concern of evangelical Christians is; The issue is the territory, power, and survival of the Zionist regime. Therefore, the question arises, what role do evangelical Christians play in Israel's survival and regional hegem-ony? The hypothesis of the article states that the evangelist current is a cultural, political, and discourse current that relies on Talmudic and Torah teachings and the support of Western coun-tries, especially the United States of America, as well as influence in the mass media today, has been able to survive and regional hegemony. become a Zionist regime, and this article, based on the descriptive-explanatory method and using the discourse analysis theory of Laclau and Mouffe, tried to examine how evangelical Christian’s influence and support the survival of the Zionist regime.

Gender gap is considered as an indicator to measure the level of inequality between women and men in a society. To measure the gender gap, four global indicators of economic participa-tion opportunities, access to educational facilities, health and survival, and opportunities for women's political empowerment are used. In any country, policies and planning structures have a great impact on reducing or increasing the gender gap due to the distribution of re-sources and the allocation of facilities. One of the basic sources for policy making is develop-ment plans. In Iran, after the Islamic revolution, six five-year development programs have been implemented so far, in all of which policies in the field of women have been formulated and implemented. The purpose of the current research is to investigate the issue of gender gap in the sixth development plan of the Islamic Republic of Iran based on the above four indica-tors. In this regard, the question is: What is the gender gap in the 6th development program regarding indicators of economic participation, access to educational facilities, health and sur-vival and political empowerment of women? Considering the very poor ranking of Iran in the reports of international institutions regarding the gender gap, it is hypothesized that there is a deep gender gap regarding relevant global indicators, especially regarding women's political empowerment in the 6th Development program. This hypothesis is investigated by thematic analysis method.

Hannah Arendt was one of the most prominent thinkers of political philosophy in the twentieth cen-tury, and the views of many scholars in the field of political philosophy in the present century are still inspired by her thought. She is the author of books such as Totalitarianism, Revolution, and The Human Condition. In the intellectual system of Hannah Arendt, the manner of formation and func-tioning of totalitarian states has been explained, and Arendt, with subtlety and precision, depicts the accompaniment of the masses with the state machinery in the creation of totalitarianism. She ex-plains that the totalitarian current, by riding on the wave of the emotions of the masses and penetrat-ing into the minds of human beings, carries them along with itself. Profound and unique concepts are seen in her political philosophy, including the political matter resulting from human action in the public realm which, alongside civil society, can bring about the liberation of the citizens of the modern world. The concept of theoretical challenge between the two concepts of moral evil and human rights finds meaning precisely at this point. Arendt faced a set of events and incidents which she tried to describe under concepts such as totalitarianism and human rights and, of course, also expressed her own solution. With the current understanding of Arendt’s political thought, it can be said that her solution in human rights lies in the concept of citizenship rights, plurality, freedom, the public sphere, political participation, and so on. With the critiques that Arendt directs toward the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, it can be concluded that her understanding of this concept is very different from what is heard today, and therefore her words may not only be incomprehensi-ble but may even lead to misunderstanding and mental confrontation. Therefore, addressing this subject can, while enlightening the audience, create a ground for the recognition of Hannah Ar-endt’s political thought, particularly her ideas in the field of moral evil, human rights, and the rela-tion between these two in her thought. In addition to all this, finding an answer to the causes and factors of the phenomenon of evil and violence is of great theoretical and also practical importance, and the recognition of Arendt’s thought can be an important step in this direction.

The axis of resistance, which consists of Iran, Syria, Lebanon's Hezbollah, Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, Iraq's Popular Mobilization Forces, and Yemen's Ansarullah Movement, is known as one of the most influential powers in the region. The expansion of the axis of re-sistance provided many benefits and opportunities for the Islamic Republic of Iran, among which was the deepening of the military and strategic geography of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the improvement of the internal and external power balance of this country. This research aims to investigate the impact of the axis of resistance on the balance of power in the Middle East region between 2002 and 2020, using the theoretical framework of the balance of power and neo-realist ideas and based on the descriptive-analytical method, and by using li-brary and internet resources, it tries to answer the question of how the axis of resistance has influenced the security (balance of power) of the Middle East during the years 2002 to 2020? The results show that the resistance axis by overcoming extremist and Salafist groups, and Western regional allies, including Turkey and Saudi Arabia, has led to the superiority of the balance of power in favor of the resistance axis from 2002 to 2020.

Although the United States of America was able, after the end of the Second World War until the first decade of the third millennium, to obtain all the necessary conditions for taking he-gemony and the leadership of the free world, with the post-Cold War transformations, grounds were provided for the hegemony of America to undergo decline. The emergence of powers such as China, Russia, and the European Union, alongside certain regional crises such as the 2022 Ukraine crisis, are counted among those developments that provided the grounds for the further decline of American hegemony. This research, with documentary study and qualitative method of data and with theoretical content and explanatory (causal) method as well as de-scriptive–analytical method, and based on the theoretical framework of “long cycles,” while investigating the roots of the 2022 Ukraine crisis, is responsible for answering this question: What effect has the 2022 Ukraine crisis had on the decline of American hegemony? The anal-ysis of data and the results obtained have shown that: the 2022 Ukraine crisis caused the he-gemony of America to be challenged in creating balance in the domains under the influence of Russia, and consequently, America’s inability in solving the 2022 Ukraine crisis.

Apparently only during the recent years the governments have discerned urban diplomacy capacity exploitation planned for substantial administration and management in various areas and scopes of cultural, crafts, scientific, sports, economic, industrial, tourism or peace and security. Thereupon, the impact of urban diplomacy basic strategies upon completion of global city indicators can further be studied in compliance with scholars such as Hubbard al (2007), Pluijim (2007), Brown (2002) intellectual consensus. In this survey, urban diplomacy has additionally been examined based on six main principles: - a) urban security, b) urban development, c) urban economy, d) urban net-works, e) urban representative, and f) urban culture. In procedure, urban diplomacy can methodical-ly be reviewed within the two contexts of urban international cooperation: - i) sister cities relations and multilateral cooperation and, ii) membership and activities of international institutions and or-ganizations in urban management. Yet still, the most significant index of cities entry to global cities Jirga desideratum urban security to assure psychological security, life safety and financial security and furthermore, consider tourists and investors credence, hitherto, adjoin global city contributing to cities network such that in spite of time expedient could withstand action and reaction of events and be effective. Evidently, constitution of delegation of authorities representing international and regional institutions and organizations in cities and recognition of necessary capacity can provide for global city ‘Globalization’ process. In addition to what mentioned, assets of urban culture cor-responding to history and people of the respective city in the supply chain opinion, to define global city indicators is also highly significant since human relations between citizens for a city of tourists and other representatives to meet the criteria of global cities “culture” is additionally a distinction. From this perspective, circulation of urban economy, welfare seekers, fundraising, small and large businesses, economy of construction and industry, economy of art, etc. entirely facilitate urban de-velopment strategies to incept a developed city with bright horizon for advance towards global path.

Water scarcity and its impact on other socio-environmental aspects has become an undeniable issue which emphasizes the need to water resources management. One of the basins that have been se-verely affected by water governance issues is Zayandeh-Rud River Basin and Isfahan Province. The present study has been conducted as a qualitative study, with emphasis on the concept of govern-ance and with the aim of identifying the causes and dimensions of the crisis in the Basin and in Isfa-han province. To achieve this, the grounded theory method has been used in data analysis. Accord-ingly, have been interviewed in order to reach the theoretical saturation stage, 74 activists and stakeholders of this basin in 12 townships of Isfahan province (located in Upstream to the down-stream of Zayandeh-Rud). Participants in this study are a diverse range of actors, including mem-bers of parliament, judicial officials, executive directors, security-law enforcement officials, reli-gious-scientific figures, farmers, environmental and agricultural and natural resources experts, con-sultants, contractors and craftsmen. With open coding, 56 basic concepts have been identified and from these concepts, obtained 11 main categories which are mismanagement, increase of harvest, legal conditions, living conditions, trans-basin stations, technical view dominance, climate change, cyberspace, cultural factors, dominance Security look, strategies. Data analysis showed that from the perspective of research participants, due to shortcomings and weaknesses in governance, the policies pursued in this basin, lacked the necessary efficiency. And this inefficiency has led to a reduction in the legitimacy of the adoption and implementation of government policies, as the larg-est and most powerful actor in the Zayandeh-Rud River basin.