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The Iran Petroleum Contract (IPC) framework represents a significant shift in Iran's approach to attracting foreign investment in its oil sector while advancing its foreign policy interests. Drawing upon resource nationalism theory, foreign direct investment theory, and economic statecraft theory, this study addresses the central research question: How does the IPC framework aim to balance attracting foreign investment in Iran's oil sector with advancing its foreign policy objectives? Employing a descriptive-analytical approach, the research utilizes qualitative analysis, comparative analysis, and scenario planning to assess the IPC's implications. The findings highlight the IPC's potential to enhance technology transfer, boost oil production capacity, and foster regional cooperation. However, challenges arising from political risks, international sanctions, and domestic opposition must be addressed with targeted policy measures. The study offers recommendations to enhance the IPC's effectiveness, including streamlining bureaucratic processes, offering competitive fiscal terms, strengthening legal frameworks, enhancing transparency, and developing local capabilities. Moreover, aligning the IPC with Iran's foreign policy goals requires diversifying investment partnerships, leveraging the framework for regional cooperation, and integrating it with national development objectives. The insights provided contribute to understanding the complex interplay between contractual frameworks, foreign investment, and strategic interests in Iran's oil sector, informing policymakers, industry stakeholders, and researchers in their decision-making processes. The IPC's successful implementation will be crucial in shaping Iran's economic development and foreign policy trajectory in the years to come.

Abu Hamid Al-Ghazali is one of the most important thinkers of the Seljuk period in Iran. Ghazali’s Thought, based on his works, is very wide-ranging in various fields of religious sciences. At the beginning of his scientific life, he wrote a book entitled “Maqasid al Falasifa” (The Aims of Philosophers), but in the final period of his research, he wrote the “Tahafut al-Falasifah” (The Incoherence of the Philosophers) and joined the opponents of philosophy, in which he expressed the contradictions of philosophers. Consequently, many thinkers believe that he is not only against philosophy but also against reason, and as a result reach the conflict between reason and religion or the sharia of religion.This article examines the question of whether there is a conflict between reason and sharia in Ghazali's thought? Does al-Ghazali mean the philosophical views of philosophers only those that are incompatible with the Shari'a? And what should be done if there seems to be a contradiction? This article tries to address these questions by referring to Ghazali's intellectual works.

Iran and Russia have some common issues due to their geographical proximity; on other hand, these two countries have nearly identical perspectives on some regional and global political and security issues, and they can use their capacities to create a model of complementary cooperation between the two countries.Yet, political-security concerns on the regional and global levels, particularly with regard to US policy towards the two nations, have always impacted these collaborations. Examining the history of relations between Iran and Russia over the last four decades reveals that the United States of America has consistently played the most important and influential role in Tehran-Moscow relations.However, an examination of America's influence on the ups and downs of Iran-Russia relations reveals that this factor has established milestones in increasing Iran and Russia's common understanding of being on the same axis.The existing assumptions also show that, as a result of regional and international trends, cybernetic logic has emerged in the development of Iran-Russia relations with the goal of balancing the threat against America, which may lead to the realization of the Iran-Russia strategic alliance scenario.In this study, the trend effect analysis method is used to identify the role of the United States in the process of Iran-Russia relations, and the new and potential dimensions of Tehran-Moscow relations are identified as a result of the American component.

The exploration of emerging conflict concepts in the context of international law raises a theoretical question, particularly with the introduction of the novel concept of war. This paper analyzes the theoretical domain, emphasizing the necessity for analytical discourse that integrates legal arguments. It posits that the legitimization of conceptualizations, including the innovative notion of environmental warfare emerging from the modern concept of war, contributes to the development of a normative framework. With further in-depth study, this framework has the potential to advance theoretical discourse beyond the current epistemological boundaries of international law. The concept of environmental warfare-particularly the weaponization of border rivers-can be contextualized within the evolving landscape of international law by emphasizing the severe crises and famines caused by the destruction of vital water sources. As international law increasingly integrates environmental protection, it must confront the deliberate targeting of water resources, which poses catastrophic consequences for civilian populations reliant on these essential resources. Employing the socio-dogmatic method and utilizing quantitative measures, the current paper asserts that emerging conflicts are firstly a tangible phenomenon and secondly that all systemic rules of international law address it, encompassing the intricacies of environmental warfare as indicated in the Hamoun case study in the Iran-Afghanistan Aqua Conflict. This progressive approach acknowledges the changing nature of conflicts and emphasizes the need to address not only legal aspects but also the broader social, political, and environmental dimensions within existing normative frameworks.  

The way we look at international institutions has always been one of the most controversial issues in the field of international relations, and after the Islamic Revolution, Iran's foreign policy took a new approach to international institutions. In addition, with the recent withdrawal of the United States from several international treaties, including the Iran nuclear deal (JCPOA) under Trump Administration the issue of international regimes and their effectiveness has gained new political and intellectual significance. The question of the present article is what are the determining factors in the formation of international regimes, their efficiency and permanence? The hypothesis is that the three factors of power, interests, and pride simultaneously play a role in the creation, efficiency, and permanence of regimes. This article examines three major approaches to the definition of international regimes, each of which emphasizes one of the factors of power, interests, and ideas, and concludes that one-factor explanations can not provide a deep understanding of the formation and functioning of regimes. Therefore assuming that difference between propositions of the studied approaches are does not necessarily mean that they are inconsistent, we Introduce a multivariate approach that goes beyond the mere integration of the perspectives under consideration, combining the three factors into a general analytical framework and Using Islamic thought, we have considered Fitrah along with the two stimuli of fear and profit as the third side of the triangle of fundamental stimuli in determining the behavior of international actors.

Changes in the structure of the global single-polar system and the transition towards a multi-polar order highlight the new norms of the global order. It is clear that the dominance of the new normative order and the elements of the new structural meaning are primarily considering the decline of US hegemony and its redistribution among new poles. These conditions create more space for the expression of competing cultural ideologies. In such a space, there are ample opportunities for culturally and civilizational rich actors like Iran to emerge. The importance of this issue becomes more apparent when we realize that key players in the new structure, such as China, lack the high capacity to confront Western cultural-hegemonic dominance regarding the absence of modern software. In an era where the main characteristic is "Power Dispersion," some of the material shortcomings of the Islamic Republic of Iran can be remedied to play an effective role in the new era of cultural power vacuum, if attention is paid to its software capacities. Therefore, the main question of this research is formed by examining what software-based priorities for the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the cultural Iran region suggest. In response to this question, with a descriptive-analytical approach by gathering a library of data, highlighting the coordinates of the new global order, and examining the coordinates of the cultural Iran region. The main recommendations of this new situation for the foreign policy of I.R.I in the cultural Iran region are explored. The results indicated that the framework of this software capacity can be explained in three dimensions: culture, values, and foreign policy. This capacity has gained a particular significance in connection with the concept of the Islamic Revolution and the opportunities it has created.