درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

The concept of monotheistic (tawḥīdi) society is in fact a reflection of the economic and political dimensions derived from the cultural-epistemological dimensions derived from the social and objective interpretation of monotheism. This concept was a response to the lack of research on the social characteristics of Islamic monotheism, which was analyzed by contemporary Muslim thinkers in the context of the domination and military and intellectual invasion of foreign colonialism and the deviation of Islamic societies. Ayatollah Khamenei (1939) was one of these thinkers who had focused on this concept before the Islamic Revolution until now, and the purpose of this article is to address this concept in his mind. Therefore, the body of research is divided into three parts and with a library, documentary and analytical method, in the first part epistemological and theoretical indicators, in the second part to economic dimensions and in the third part to the political characteristics of the monotheistic society are discussed. In this regard, in the first part, concepts such as the high importance of monotheism in Islamic thought, monotheistic worldview and ontology are introduced. The second part deals with issues such as a monotheistic society without class differences, economic justice and the elimination of poverty. In the third part, Ayatollah Khamenei discusses issues such as the role of monotheism in human freedom, the role of monotheism in denying ungodly governments and proving Islamic rule and foreign policy in a monotheistic society.

Economic punishments and sanctions have been used against the Islamic Revolution of Iran as well as some other countries. But their efficacy is usually in dispute among politicians and economists. Current research reports the results of a randomized experiment that seeks to identify the cause of the failure of broad political punishments and sanctions. Most sanctions and political punishments are ultimately employed as a psychological-economic device. They are meant to adversely affect the opinion of the people of a country, thereby putting pressure on the government to change course. We propose and empirically test the hypothesis that a reduction of welfare has a different effect when it is attributed to an out-group versus an in-group agent. We find that when economic failure is believed to have been brought about by an outsider, it actually solidifies the position of the leader. There is, moreover, no statistically significant difference in the reactions across sexes. The study draws on insights from the sociology of group identity to propose an answer to an old question in political economy. There is, moreover, no statistically significant difference in the reactions across sexes. The study draws on insights from the sociology of group identity to propose an answer to an old question in political economy.

The Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979 by the leadership of Imam Khomeini, the resulting discourse and its influence on the internal political and social structure, affected the Islamic world, the Middle East, and the Lebanese Shias. The rise of Hezbollah in Lebanon was a manifestation of the Islamic Revolution discourse on the Shia community regarding meaning and identity. With a critical approach, the present study aimed to answer the question ‘How close and different has Hezbollah to the discourse of the Islamic Revolution from the discoursive view, structural and identity?’. The issue was analyzed using the theory of Laclau and Mouffe's discourse analysis and operationalized by explaining the positions of the movement, its leaders and the function of Hezbollah and comparing it with the political thought and works of Imam Khomeini as the Islamic Revolution ideologue. It shows that the Islamic Revolution has been very influential in shaping Hezbollah's Islamic and revolutionary identity. Meanwhile, the sign of Shia political Islam is the central sign of the Islamic Revolution discourse, and the (Islamic) resistance is the primary sign of the Hezbollah speech. The result indicated similarities in most floating characters, namely Shia political Islam, belief in Velayat-e Faqih, justice-seeking, nationalism, independence, issuance of Revolution and revolutionary identity, and resistance (struggle against Israel and anti-Zionism, and anti-arrogance). However, there are some identity distinctions regarding the emphasizing Hezbollah on the Shia, Arab and Lebanese identity and the broad definition of some signs and, consequently, the attribution of some meanings to them, which should be considered from the pathology of future relations between Iran and Hezbollah. This issue regarding common counter-discourses such as Salafi-Takfiri, Liberal Democracy and the Akhavani is essential.