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Mohammadreza Hakimi is one of the contemporary Shia thinkers who is in the continuation of the "Tafkik School". Tafkik School as a stream originating from the Shia Islam, is theologically based on special foundations that can be influential in the political; That is, it is something that can be traced to the field of "political theology". Theology is a knowledge that seeks to explain God's relationship with the universe, especially humans. But political theology seeks to find the theological foundations of the political; That is, it examines how the political is articulated according to the way of looking at God's relationship with man and the world. Different religions can have their own political theology according to the way they explain this relationship. The present article seeks to answer the question that what formulation of the political is represented by Mohammadreza Hakimi's interpretation of the theological foundations of Shia? In line with the answer, first the relationship between God and man is depicted in the Shiite approach. Because of His grace, God sends prophets to guide man to the ultimate goal of the creation. These prophets actually provide the correct model of human life to achieve the goal. In this approach, after the death of the Prophet, it is the Imam who continues the model of guidance. In addition to receiving and delivering revelation, he has other roles of the prophet, including political and social leadership. During the period of the Major Occultation, the Imam's deputy is someone whose rule is similar to his rule; It means government based on justice, especially on social justice.

Humans in today's world are always in a decision-making situation. In this regard, political deci-sions are more sensitive. Today, decision-making has become scientific and various organiza-tions and universities are active in this direction. One of these faculties established in our coun-try is the Faculty of Governance. So, the purpose of this faculty is to train forces for different intellectual and management levels, including policy design and formulation and even policy implementation. Therefore, the author of the current study seeks to discover the impact of the faculty of governance on decision-making developments, especially political decisions. The current research continues with the question of how can the faculty of governance affect the quality of decisions, especially political decisions? Also, according to the SWOT theory, how can the role of this faculty in maximizing or minimizing the quality of these decisions be de-fined and future researched? Also, what achievements can each path seek? In this regard, the faculty of governance is the independent variable of the research. Also, decisions have the role of a dependent variable that can assume two states of maximum quality and minimum quality. In this article, the method of collecting information is in the form of library documents, and the SWOT strategic analysis method is also used for data analysis.

The position and relationship between the government and the civil society has always occupied the minds of political thinkers, especially in the modern period. In general, governments assume different roles depending on the application of different approaches. From the point of view of the relationship and the type of influence of the government on the society, there have always been two competing views, which are rooted in the thoughts of two prominent political philosophers: John Locke and Karl Marx. In John Locke's view, the government is a mediating entity, limited and conditional, based on the principle of consent and with the aim of creating peace and public welfare based on the social contract and the right of public rebellion in times of inefficiency and disobedience to the law, and ultimately independent of civil society. And in the view of Karl Marx, the concept of government is based on three different opinions. The government as a means of suppressing the working class, the government as an arbiter or mediator, and finally the government as a function of the changing economic infrastructure, and ultimately relying on classes of society.

In this article, we seek to investigate what cultural invasion is and ways to deal with it in The Supreme leader's thought, emphasizing on media invasion. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the collection of information is done by library-document method. The findings of this research show that The Supreme leader considers the cultural invasion of the West to the foundations of Islamic beliefs and to the corruption and destruction of Islamic societies. To deal with the cultural invasion, he suggests a correct knowledge of the enemy and a rational and logical defense of the right. At the level of media attack, his emphasis is to counter Western cultural and media propaganda through satellite networks and especially Hollywood, and considers the way to counter it to be paying attention to Islamic culture, promoting religious models, and encouraging young artists and believers in the field of art. As a result, the solution to deal with the cultural invasion should be followed by policies in the cultural and media arena, which can be mentioned as follows: creating national self-confidence through the display of the country's authority, unity and security by the responsible institutions, especially the radio and television, showing convergence and solidarity as a prominent cultural characteristic of Iranians, especially against the foreign enemy, high-lighting the commonalities of ethnic identity with Iran's national identity, attention to the Iranian-Islamic style in life according to the emphasis of the Supreme Leader, providing awareness in the field of divisive satellite networks and paying special attention to Iranian art, especially music, which has a high power of attraction among young people.

This article aims to identify and prioritize the components of public culture that are effective in the political development of Iran; It has been considered using Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP). In the first step, based on the studies and literature on public culture and political development, a researcher-made questionnaire with 5 options on the Likert scale was created, distributed, and collected among experts. These factors were identified and categorized in the three dimensions of the government, civil socie-ty, and citizens separately. In the next step, in the form of a paired questionnaire and with the help of Expert Choice software, these dimensions and components were prior-itized and weighted. According to the results of the second questionnaire, the bulk of civil society with a weight of (0.413); The government with a weight of (0.327), and citizens with a weight of (0.260) respectively have the most importance in the political development of Iran. Therefore, it is suggested that officials, decision-makers, and policy-makers strongly pay weight and rank to each of the dimensions and components in order to be able to make the most of the results of the uncle's culture in political de-velopment.

The current article aims to examine the political foundations that are the main cause of the emergence of the Gothic style and its flow in history. Many critics and thinkers who research the Gothic genre agree that the begin-ning of Gothic literature should be considered the 18th century. Therefore, in this article, the 18th century is con-sidered as the starting point of Gothic. Since the impact and penetration of Gothic as well as its ambiguity and complexity is a more obvious and ponderable literary genre, the focus and emphasis in this article is on Gothic literature, and Gothic literature of the 18th century is considered as the origin of this literary genre. The present speech focuses on Gothic literature and studies the aspects and political factors that played a role in the for-mation of this literature in the middle of the 18th century in order to show the origin of this literary and artistic genre that has lasted for nearly three hundred years. The effective political factors in the emergence of the Goth-ic genre have been manifested in the form of legislation in various fields such as justice, according to a religious trend, policy making in the field of economy with regard to entering the era of modernity and land reforms. Vi-jay Mishra, a contemporary literary critic and theoretician, states in an article titled "Gothic Sublimity" that the explosion of capital in the second half of the 18th century created a literary phenomenon that was later called Gothic. From the very beginning, Gothic has a hint of rebellion and extravagance that disrupts the security of the mind and produces fear and apprehension. Therefore, the desire to read it is related to the feeling of need to specify the historical significance of the Gothic by mentioning the factors influencing it. In fact, following a kind of genealogical approach, the present research seeks to find an origin that did not stop at a specific or certain point in history as a starting point or origin. Rather, it is always developing and moving. And this mobility of the starting point is precisely the secret of the stability and continuity of the Gothic genre over the centuries. Centu-ries that have many essential differences, but have created something stable, progressive and changing from their hearts, which, unlike other literary and artistic genres and styles, has proven to have no time limit: The Gothic genre.

The contrast between tradition and modernity has always been criticized throughout the histo-ry of political thought, and many thinkers have presented their views in this field in the West-ern and Islamic worlds. Meanwhile, the concept of modernity in the thought of Dariush Shayegan as a free thinker and Seyed Hossein Nasr as a traditional thinker and theorist is ex-amined in this research. The theoretical framework of the research is a combination of Carl Gustav Jung's collective psychoanalysis and other hermeneutics theories. This research aims to answer the question, what is the approach of Dariush Shayegan and Seyed Hossein Nasr in facing modernity? The findings of the research also indicate that Dariush Shayegan as an Ira-nian thinker and intellectual underwent important changes during his intellectual life, and for this reason, his early views have very significant differences with his later opinions. On the other hand, Seyed Hossein Nasr, like Shayegan, is an ardent critic and opponent of modernity, and he believes that reforming religion leads to the deconstruction of religion and that there is no end except secularism and anti-religion. But his full-length defense of religious pluralism makes it difficult to make a final judgment about his thoughts. The method of descriptive an-alytical research and the method of collecting data is documentary.

In Iran, all the border areas of the country where the majority of Iranian ethnic groups live are underprivileged and underdeveloped, and ethnic elites are not present in any of the macro and middle administrations, and the diversity of ethnic groups is not viewed as a positive thing and is considered as a threat. The type of security approach to the thinking of radical and ex-tremist groups in the region has caused Sistan and Baluchistan to not have a place in Iran's development basket worthy of the province in the development policies of the country. This article seeks to answer this question by providing a correct analysis based on the institutional approach to political and security damage in Sistan and Baluchistan province. The research method is qualitative and analytical-descriptive. The findings showed that Sistan and Baluchi-stan has not enjoyed a favorable situation in terms of political, economic, and social indicators compared to the neighboring provinces, and in the future, it will cause threats, political and security violence in this province. In recent decades, a number of favorable institutional and governance indicators and relatively favorable economic and social achievements have been realized in Sistan and Baluchistan province. However, with a realistic approach, it should be said that in relation to economic and social indicators, Sistan and Baluchistan province has relatively serious distances from the ideal point, so that the people of these regions and the Sunnis have a sense of experiencing economic, social and political discrimination.