درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

The Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Georgia underwent a revolutionary transformation in 1979 and 2003; However, there are fundamental differences between the two revolutions, including in ideology, the extent and scope of revolutionary developments, the nature of social forces and movements, the nature of the former and post-political regimes, and the direction of their new foreign policy. The country has been very influential in both domestic and foreign arenas. With this in mind, this article seeks to examine why the Iranian revolution became social in 1979 while the Georgian revolution in 2003 was limited to the political sphere. It seems that the Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979, in response to the quasi-modernism of the Pahlavi period and inspired by cultural and identity components, led to the formation of a discourse called self-return, which realized such a possibility without changing political, social, economic and Culture was not possible. But the color revolution in Georgia, under the influence of components of historical memory resulting from the suppression of nationalist and independence-seeking tendencies, saw a change in the ruling political structure as sufficient to achieve this goal. Data and information of this research have been collected through documentary (library) method and have been analyzed using comparative analysis method. In order to examine the above question and hypothesis, this comparative study first takes a brief look at the background of the formation of the two revolutions and then examines their possible differences and similarities.

In the wake of US withdrawal of Iran nuclear deal, or JCPOA, and re-imposition of sanctions, Iranian policymakers came down gradually in favor of cooperation with the East, chief among them China, culminating in the signing of 25-year Iran-China and the adoption of Iran’s Look East Strategy in 2021. Considering the changing flux in Iran’s diplomacy toward the regional cooperation and ever-increasing Sino-Iranian rapprochement, the main question of this contribution is about the effect of Sino-Iranian rapprochement on India, one of Iran’s biggest Asian trading partners. The main hypothesis states that Sino-Iranian rapprochement has led India to expand the scope of its connectivity projects through Iran, throwing spoke in the wheel of China’s Belt and Road Initiative in South and Central Asia. Constructivist Institutionalism (CI) developed by Hay was adopted as the theoretical framework. The methodology used for this research is based upon qualitative methodology and discourse analysis to focus on Iran and India relations in the context of Iran’s Look East strategy. Our findings indicate that Indian policy makers are following the Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam principle in their engagement with Iran, seeking to increase Iran-India ties in the face of Chinese competition with long-term strategic and security deal. As part of India’s civilizational role in the Central Asia and a response to growing Chinese footprints in the region, India has undertaken certain concrete measures such as institutionalization of India-Central Asia summit on a multi-lateral framework and inclusion of Iran’s Chabahar port in the International North-South Corridor. The research findings reveal that the corporate remains the weak link in the chain of the state-temple-corporate complex of the Hindu nationalist BJP in relation to Iran. India is also set to lock in cooperation with Iran through long-term strategic deal, institutionalizing security cooperation, and strengthening the private sector participation in Chabahar project.