درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

Iran and Russia have some common issues due to their geographical proximity; on other hand, these two countries have nearly identical perspectives on some regional and global political and security issues, and they can use their capacities to create a model of complementary cooperation between the two countries.Yet, political-security concerns on the regional and global levels, particularly with regard to US policy towards the two nations, have always impacted these collaborations. Examining the history of relations between Iran and Russia over the last four decades reveals that the United States of America has consistently played the most important and influential role in Tehran-Moscow relations.However, an examination of America's influence on the ups and downs of Iran-Russia relations reveals that this factor has established milestones in increasing Iran and Russia's common understanding of being on the same axis.The existing assumptions also show that, as a result of regional and international trends, cybernetic logic has emerged in the development of Iran-Russia relations with the goal of balancing the threat against America, which may lead to the realization of the Iran-Russia strategic alliance scenario.In this study, the trend effect analysis method is used to identify the role of the United States in the process of Iran-Russia relations, and the new and potential dimensions of Tehran-Moscow relations are identified as a result of the American component.

Following the violent escalation on October 7, 2023, attributed to the actions of the Israeli regime in Gaza, a series of substantial measures have been implemented by international legal, judicial, and political organizations in support of the Palestinian cause and the resistance movement. These actions have involved key international bodies, such as the Security Council, the General Assembly, and judicial institutions including the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the International Criminal Court (ICC), as well as various countries and influential global experts. In this context, the international community has witnessed a historical and unprecedented series of judicial opinions, resolutions, and legal positions condemning the actions of the Israeli occupying forces in Gaza. Moreover, the recent focus on obligations to prevent genocide and end the occupation and violence in Palestine is unparalleled in its intensity and global consensus. These measures provide substantial and authoritative evidence supporting the legitimacy of the Palestinian cause, while simultaneously imposing binding legal responsibilities on states, international organizations, and in particular, the General Assembly and Security Council, to ensure the protection of Palestinian rights and the cessation of occupation and violence in the region. The present study adopts a descriptive-analytical methodology, utilizing documentary and library research approaches to critically analyze the nature and substance of these legal instruments and resolutions. In doing so, it aims to inform national, regional, and international executive bodies, while fostering academic dialogue and public awareness on the critical need for implementation of these judicial decisions. This research underscores the transformative legal, judicial, and diplomatic developments following October 7, 2023, developments that are crucial to the future trajectory of Gaza and Palestine, and which must be taken into account when formulating policies and strategies for the region's future.

The concept of power has consistently been a focal point in international relations and political theories, particularly within the realist school of thought. Traditionally, power discussions centered primarily on military capabilities; however, the dimensions of power have evolved, with economic power emerging as a critical factor in international politics. In recent years, China has experienced unprecedented economic growth, demonstrating resilience in the face of global financial crises and the COVID-19 pandemic. This research investigates the impact of China's economic power on its standing within international organizations. It first outlines key indicators of economic power-such as GDP based on purchasing power parity, current account balance, foreign currency reserves, patents, and oil trade balance-and examines their influence on policy. Subsequently, the study analyzes China's increasing presence and influence in major international institutions, including the United Nations and its specialized agencies (e.g., the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and World Trade Organization). The findings indicate that China's economic power has significantly enhanced its position within these institutions, thereby strengthening its role in the international system.

Yemen is the poorest Arab country in the world. The corruption of the government, the marginalization of the Houthis, and the inability of the government to meet the economic needs of the citizens of this poor Arab country have been burning in the fire of instability for more than a decade. This instability is such that the transfer of power in 2011 could not be a message of peace for this country, and finally, in 2015, the country entered into a devastating civil war. This research, using the descriptive-analytical method, has tried to investigate the roots of the crisis in Yemen and the constructive role of Iran in ending this conflict. The results of the research show that the Islamic Republic of Iran evaluates the developments in Yemen in the form of Islamic awakening, which reduces the influence of the West in the region. Therefore, the Islamic Republic of Iran is concerned about the efforts of Saudi Arabia to manage the developments in Yemen and to empower the affiliated currents and demands that all religious and political currents play a role in the future of this country. What is important for Iran is, firstly, to play a constructive role in the developments of this country to solve the existing challenges towards the understanding of political groups, and secondly, to support its allies to prevent their forced exit from the power scene.

Iran, one of the powerful players in West Asia, from the beginning of the crisis in Syria, al-ways tried to sensitively take a completely different position from other regional players in supporting the political system of Syria, as one of the important priorities in foreign policy, follow his military and security. Iran's positions in the Syrian crisis were based on the overlap of the national security interests of this country and the Syrian nation-state, because the vic-tory of fundamentalist Salafist groups in Syria could be the biggest security threat to the axis of resistance, Iran's national interests, and Shia geopolitics in the long run. The region should include Shamat and Iraq. These conditions also existed for Russia, which envisions its own interests in the region of West Asia and the Eastern Mediterranean. Due to its energy re-sources and geopolitical location, this region is considered an influential and unforgivable area for actors like Russia. By presenting ISIS as a security concern, Tehran and Moscow succeed-ed in limiting the American effort to have a serious presence in Syria through close coopera-tion in addition to eliminating the threat of ISIS. In this article, an attempt was made to an-swer this question by relying on the theory of realism, how the crisis in Syria has affected the relations between Iran and Russia between 2010 and 2017 by emphasizing military-security cooperation.

The "Statement of the Second Step of the Revolution" that Ayatollah Khamenei, as the leader of the Islamic Republic of Iran, published in 2018 is a document that defines the future strategy of the Is-lamic Republic of Iran; And governments in the Islamic Republic must adjust their policies accord-ingly, foreign policy is no exception to this rule. Ebrahim Raisi's government has tried to adjust its "justice-oriented idealist" foreign policy according to the statement of the second step. One of the characteristics of this "statement" is that it can be found references to internal and external oppor-tunities and threats facing the Islamic system, and by analyzing that text, certain things can be iden-tified. By analyzing the "second step statement" based on the SOWT model, it is possible to deter-mine the opportunities, threats, weaknesses, and strengths, and determine the appropriate strategies for the foreign policy of Ebrahim Raisi's government. Based on the SOWT analytical model, four strategies in the SOWT model, namely SO strategy, ST strategy, WO strategy and WT strategy, are the basis of the analysis. As a result, based on the statement of the second step of the Islamic Revo-lution, four strategies can be designed for the government of Ebrahim Raisi in the period after the 40th anniversary of the Islamic Revolution. First, the Islamic Revolution's "advanced" strategy fo-cusing on internal forces and external opportunities. Second: the "defense" strategy of the Islamic Revolution, looking at internal forces and external threats. Third, the "competitive" strategy of the Islamic Revolution focusing on external opportunities and internal weaknesses. And fourth, the "re-sistance" strategy of the Islamic Revolution, looking at internal weaknesses and external threats.