درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

The United States have adopted competitive and even conflictive trade policies to redefine and rewrite the global political economy in the post globalization era. The prime movers of removing trade barriers and expanding trade concession, have adopted a restrictive theory of trade after terrorist attacks of 9/11, with a gradual shift from an easy international trade environment to a selective preferential trade relations with like- minded countries. New measures and technologies were developed to track movement of different goods. Logistics and international shipping industries were negatively affected due to national restrictive policies. The international financial crisis and Covid-19 were additional factors to push developed countries to adopt protective trade policies to neutralize the negative impact of the crisis in the absence of financial resources. Former trade partners were considered competitors and those with different trade theories or interests became adversaries. US trade disputes and conflicts surged in XXI century and international dispute settlement mechanisms were challenged by US foreign policy to obtain concessions. This article is meant to respond to the question that “What is the US practice in international trade in the post-globalization era and what would be the implications for the developing countries and global business environment”? The hypothesis is that “US trade policy and practice in the twenty first century has been affected by global geopolitics and geo- economics, where emerging poles of power are meticulously considered and long-term strategies are adopted. In this context; trade disputes, wars and sanction diplomacy might happen either for trade inequality concerns, optimal tariff theory, or politically painted economic objectives”. A qualitative analytical methodology is used to study roots and causes of re-globalization wars and to analyze consequences of antagonistic approaches for the multilateral trading system. A new liberal theoretical framework is used to analyze post- globalizations US trade practices.

In recent decades, differences, competitions, increased distrust, and conflicts between the countries bordering the Persian Gulf, as well as the presence and influence of extra-regional countries, have made it impossible to achieve comprehensive and lasting security arrangements, and on this basis, Arab countries in the region have sought to place themselves under the protective umbrella of other powers. In this regard, and after the Islamic Revolution, the major conflicting interests of the Arab countries in the Persian Gulf region with the Islamic Republic of Iran have made the realization of a security order more difficult and faced it with serious challenges. Especially during the past two decades, simultaneous with the increase in Iran's regional power, with the support of the United States, a groundwork has been provided for reconciliation and rapprochement between the Zionist regime of Israel and the Arab states in the region. In this context, it seems that the policy of reconciliation and convergence in Tel Aviv may have implications and consequences for the establishment of security arrangements in the region. Accordingly, the main question of the research is: what impact can the convergence of the Israeli regime and the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf have on the process of achieving regional security arrangements? The research hypothesis is that the expansion and development of Tel Aviv's relations with the governments of the Arab countries in the Persian Gulf region can make it difficult to achieve an internal security order by complicating regional equations and intensifying security problems in the region. The research method is qualitative and with an analytical-explanatory approach, and the data have been collected from library and internet sources. The balancing of threats theory has also been used to explain the research topic.

Reza Shah's government can also be considered a government based on an ideology. This ideology has different components and at the same time, based on it, various institutions were created during Pahlavi's rule. Accurate knowledge of the Pahlavi government, especially in the era of Reza Shah, is obtained with a correct understanding of this ideology. Therefore, the state of the Pahlavi government is "linked" to this ideology in a very fundamental way. Looking at its situation, the three most important elements in it were considered the main ideological components of the government, which are: "authoritarianism", "monopolism" and "personalization of power". Of course, nationalism and antiquarianism can also be added to these. In this research, the focus is on the political components of the government's ideology. In sum, according to these three components, the ideological characteristic of Reza Shah's government can be considered as "concentration of exclusive personal power". In the meantime, the military institutions, which Reza Shah had placed the main support of his power on, played a very important role in the continuation of the government and the implementation of its ideology. The "police" was one of the most important of these institutions, which was completely at the service of the "person" of Reza Shah, and before and after he reached the throne, he fulfilled his wishes completely. This article seeks to understand the "problem" of the "police" in the ideology of the government with a descriptive and analytical method. And at the same time, its most important findings are that the "police" based on the principle of "concentration of exclusive personal power", was one of the main tools for creating order and suppressing Reza Shah's opponents. The most important result of this research is that the police played a role in establishing the "concentration of exclusive personal power" mostly by "suppressing and censoring the press", "dominating the elections and parliament" and "suppressing the opponents of the king". And this act was exactly based on the ideology of Reza Shah's government.

Thomas Hobbes's theory of "social contract" provided a new basis for the establishment of the gov-ernment, which had fundamental differences with the theories before it. In such a way that he con-sidered the government "constitutional" and not "natural". According to him, before the govern-ment, people lived in a natural state, which is a kind of a state of war, and according to the natural law and the rule of reason, they should have left this state and entered a state of peace. A state of peace requires the "establishment" of the government to provide security. Based on this, the citizens establish the government through agreement and contract and transfer all their rights to it in order to end the war situation and be the final judge of the affairs. This theory of Hobbes was proposed in the field of religious and political ideological controversies, which its roots go back to the late Mid-dle Ages and the conflict between the church and the kingdom regarding the basis of the legitimacy of the government. On this basis, without paying attention to the context of Hobbes's discussion, it is not possible to get a precise understanding of his theory and intention in the "Social Contract" plan. Our goal in this article is to read Hobbes's theory "context-centered" and we use Quentin Skinner's approach. As a result, our question is, in what context was Thomas Hobbes's "social con-tract" about the basis of government legitimacy formed, and what was his intention in proposing it? Our hypothesis is that Thomas Hobbes, in the field of disputes between the church and the kings, based on the two main theories of the absolute authority of the Pope (controversy of installation) and the divine right of kings, to transition from the state of religious-political wars in England, pro-posed a "social contract" and provided a new basis of legitimacy for the establishment of the state.