درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

American sanctions against Iran are one of the most extensive in terms of variety and extent . The most approved sanctions are unilateral against a country. While unilateral economic sanctions in an extraterritorial manner are considered a violation of the sovereignty of other countries in this regard.This research is done through analytical-descriptive methodGiri has studied the legal analysis of Iran's foreign investment embargo by the United States of America based on reliable research documents and international law jurisprudence. The findings of the research show that the restrictions caused by the unilateral US sanctions against Iran and the increase in investment costs can be considered as a serious obstacle to foreign investment in Iran. However, in 1991, the United Nations General Assembly strongly urged governments to end unilateral pressures. Also in the another one in 1996 called for the removal of such practices under the title "Elimination of economic pressure measures as a means of political and economic coercion".The American side in sanctioning Iran violates the principle of peaceful coexistence among governments, which requires respect for the political principles of international law, i.e. the legal equality of governments, non-interference, cooperation and friendship, respect for the independence and territorial integrity of governments among the members of the international community. This type of actions lacks legal and international validity due to the lack of legitimacy.

The Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979 by the leadership of Imam Khomeini, the resulting discourse and its influence on the internal political and social structure, affected the Islamic world, the Middle East, and the Lebanese Shias. The rise of Hezbollah in Lebanon was a manifestation of the Islamic Revolution discourse on the Shia community regarding meaning and identity. With a critical approach, the present study aimed to answer the question ‘How close and different has Hezbollah to the discourse of the Islamic Revolution from the discoursive view, structural and identity?’. The issue was analyzed using the theory of Laclau and Mouffe's discourse analysis and operationalized by explaining the positions of the movement, its leaders and the function of Hezbollah and comparing it with the political thought and works of Imam Khomeini as the Islamic Revolution ideologue. It shows that the Islamic Revolution has been very influential in shaping Hezbollah's Islamic and revolutionary identity. Meanwhile, the sign of Shia political Islam is the central sign of the Islamic Revolution discourse, and the (Islamic) resistance is the primary sign of the Hezbollah speech. The result indicated similarities in most floating characters, namely Shia political Islam, belief in Velayat-e Faqih, justice-seeking, nationalism, independence, issuance of Revolution and revolutionary identity, and resistance (struggle against Israel and anti-Zionism, and anti-arrogance). However, there are some identity distinctions regarding the emphasizing Hezbollah on the Shia, Arab and Lebanese identity and the broad definition of some signs and, consequently, the attribution of some meanings to them, which should be considered from the pathology of future relations between Iran and Hezbollah. This issue regarding common counter-discourses such as Salafi-Takfiri, Liberal Democracy and the Akhavani is essential.

The 21st century is marked by the proliferation of hybrid warfare among actors involved in asymmetric conflicts, utilizing diverse forms of warfare that are suited to the scenario and context. Therefore, modern conflicts differ from classical conflicts in terms of their complexity, diversity, form, nature, and dynamics. This study examines the susceptibility of actors in hybrid warfare. Thus, the research question is “What requirements does a hybrid war impose on international actors, and how should Iran be explained as a case study?” The data were collected through desk studies and analyzed based on a descriptive-analytical approach. The study findings showed that, given the assumption of changes in the nature of wars and the emergence of hybrid wars as a result of the combined nature of threats in the complex international system, hybrid war is the most difficult challenge for actors, particularly dissatisfied ones, in confrontation with the international system's power poles, particularly the hegemon. This includes a variety of conventional and unconventional wars that are fought at anytime, anywhere, and with varying degrees of intensity by military or civilians. Iran is under pressure from rivals engaged in this type of conflict to give up its demands and needs on the regional and international levels.

This article explores the role of the International Court of Justice (hereafter ICJ) in the relations between Iran and the United States (hereafter U.S.), with reference to the last disputes between the two countries over the 1955 Treaty of Amity, Economic Relations and Consular Rights. The article argues that the ICJ has both jurisdiction (Ratione Materiae) and substantive competence (Merits) to adjudicate the case, based on the trans-analytical method. The article draws on the past judgments of the ICJ in similar cases between Iran and the U.S., such as the Case Concerning US Diplomatic and Consular Staff in Tehran, the Case Concerning the Aerial Incident, and the Case Concerning Oil Platforms, to support its findings. The article also discusses the implications of the U.S. decision to terminate the Treaty of Amity and to challenge the ICJ’s jurisdiction. The article predicts that the ICJ will establish its judgment based on Article 10 of the Treaty of Amity, which affirms the principle of free trade, and conclude that the U.S. sanctions violate the Treaty of Amity.

One of the most important issues in the world economy is the concept of energy security and the study of its various dimensions in different countries. It is of great importance for Russia as one of the largest oil and gas producing countries in Northern Asia and the world. This study seeks to measure various aspects of energy security in Russia using the factor analysis model. The results show a high degree of interdependence between the two variables of economic growth and energy intensity in Russia. The results of the EFA also show that the two factors, including the general factor and the investment science factor, can explain about 85% of the variance of the observed variables. Moreover, the results of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and its impact on energy security demonstrate the need to separate the short-term effects of the conflict on energy security from the long-term effects. Russia suffers from the problem of energy stickiness due to its economic and political structure and will lag behind the West in the medium- and long-term renewable energy replacement program.

The concept of monotheistic (tawḥīdi) society is in fact a reflection of the economic and political dimensions derived from the cultural-epistemological dimensions derived from the social and objective interpretation of monotheism. This concept was a response to the lack of research on the social characteristics of Islamic monotheism, which was analyzed by contemporary Muslim thinkers in the context of the domination and military and intellectual invasion of foreign colonialism and the deviation of Islamic societies. Ayatollah Khamenei (1939) was one of these thinkers who had focused on this concept before the Islamic Revolution until now, and the purpose of this article is to address this concept in his mind. Therefore, the body of research is divided into three parts and with a library, documentary and analytical method, in the first part epistemological and theoretical indicators, in the second part to economic dimensions and in the third part to the political characteristics of the monotheistic society are discussed. In this regard, in the first part, concepts such as the high importance of monotheism in Islamic thought, monotheistic worldview and ontology are introduced. The second part deals with issues such as a monotheistic society without class differences, economic justice and the elimination of poverty. In the third part, Ayatollah Khamenei discusses issues such as the role of monotheism in human freedom, the role of monotheism in denying ungodly governments and proving Islamic rule and foreign policy in a monotheistic society.