Sanctions

This paper is an empirical attempt to investigate bilateral trade flow between Iran and Russia. To this end, we used statistical analyses on macroeconomic series over the period of 1991-2017. Results revealed that there is a significant statistical difference in terms of exports between Iran and Russia, and that there has always been a buyer-seller dialogue between the two countries. According to the Export-Import Similarities (EIS), Iran and Russia represented low potential complementarity between the years 2001 and 2017, which indicated that there is more trade competitiveness rather than trade complementarities between the two countries. Results from the statistical tests of Friedman and Kruskal-W revealed that the service sector has played an important role in creating value in Russia’s economy. In addition, there is a statistical significant difference with respect to Iran’s exports to Russia in terms of Iran and Russia’s sanctions and Russia’s membership to WTO. During the sanctions imposed by the West, when Russia and Iran’s GDP always decreases, they find each other as regional allies and try to strengthen their bilateral economic relationship. However, there is an obvious lack of diversity in Russian and Iranian export supplies and the volume of bilateral trade between them is not expected to increase in the future. Russia and Iran have failed to establish adequate economic, technical and educational ties and there is no active economic diplomacy between them. As a result, developing a clear program for the promotion of bilateral trade is a strategic priority, which must be operationalized by politicians.

Energy has been the main pillar of the global growth and development. Amongst various sources of energy, oil has the largest share in the global energy consumption. As these energy reserves tend to decline, few regions, most notably the Middle East which has been at the forefront with the largest reserves, can fulfill the rising global energy demand. Even then, in view of its vast energy potential, this region has attracted the attention of the growing economies of the world. This paper intends to look at one of the significant producers in the Persian Gulf energy market, Iran, and its energy relations with the Asian giant, China, from the International Relations perspective. Having a wide variety of capacities, Iran-China relations in recent years has made special dynamics, so that in different fields, this relationship has been steadily expanding and deepening. One of the most important capacity building areas in Iran-China relations is energy. The area of energy certainly has played the most important role in the dynamics of these relationships. Potential opportunities of bilateral cooperation between Iran and China in the field of energy are wide, and in case of realization it can have positive consequences of the political and security. The aim of this paper is to cover the current oil trade situation between the two countries as well as the existing problems that are limiting the growth of this relation such as international sanctions and at the end some suggestions in order to enlarge the trade between the two countries. In conclusion, we can say that a massive capacity on the basis of "energy" in relations between Iran and China have emerged that can be used to promote economic relations between the two countries in the framework of a comprehensive strategy that benefits both countries and the region. This Capacity must be accompanied with "mutual desire” to take place. Especially noteworthy is that the existing capacities should not only be considered as "energy economy" and cooperation in the field of energy, but also should be seen as the overall framework of "security" and "Asian solidarity”.  JEL Classification:  F14,  F18

The United States and Iran as former allies turned into adversaries after the Islamic Revolution of 1979. Since then the United States has tried to contain Iran as a state considered to be a threat to the U.S. national security. The U.S. Congress has also acted in line with the administrations’ policies and in some cases directed the administration to take a tougher stance toward Iran. A review of the literature on congressional studies indicates that the power of individual actors in legislative policymaking has increased since the 1970s. Using the Bounded Rational Model in foreign policy decision making, the present paper attempts to explain the decision making behavior of congressional sanction bill sponsors for the two financial/banking sanction laws against Iran during the Obama administration. These two laws are the Comprehensive Iran Sanctions, Accountability and Divestment Act of 2010 and Section 1245 of the National Defense Authorization Act of 2012. The method of qualitative content analysis is employed to explain the context of the bills and the sanction triggers and goals are identified through the remarks of bill sponsors. The analysis of these sanction laws using the four elements of actor, preference, structure, and decision criteria indicates that the Bounded Rational Model as it takes into account the decision makers’ cognitive limitations and the limitations imposed on them by the environment of decision making is a good model to explain the decision making behavior of banking sanction bill sponsors.

Economic sanctions imposed on Heterogeneousstates have played an important role as a tool of pressure in recent decades. Considering that most non-conforming states with the US are important players on the energy market, a large part of this country’s sanctions policy has been focused on the energy sector. With the evolution of the US shale oil industry, using energy as a tool of sanctions against target countries has received increasing attention by US presidents in recent years. The US is using the geopolitical shift as an international strategy to compete with other powers in the energy sector such as Iran, Venezuela, and Russia. The US aims to use its energy embargo policy to curtail the influence of these players on the energy market and prevent their anti-American policies by fermenting economic crises within these countries. The question arises as to the extent of the effectiveness and sustainability of this US foreign policy strategy in a transitional international order. The article hypothesis is that due to inefficient unconventional resources in terms of market crisis, the rise of counter-hegemonic coalitions, and geopolitical tensions in regions such as the Middle East, one cannot be too optimistic about the sustainability of this situation. The authors of the article will endeavor to explain the above hypothesis within the framework of the hegemony theory and by using the trend-analysis technique, while addressing the driving forces.

The article discusses the publication activity of scientists in the field of studying the consequences of US economic sanctions against Iran, and their impact on the development of science and the economy in this country. The paper considers the dynamics of publication activity in the field of biomedicine of Iranian scientists over the past 20 years. Increased sanctions have led to a shortage of medicines and a lack of access to modern treatment methods. The population does not have access to modern medicines. Patients cannot afford to buy expensive medicines. The general deterioration of the working and living conditions of the Iranian population led to a significant decrease in the activity of scientists. The publication activity of Iranian scientists has significantly decreased after the imposition of sanctions against Iran due to US disagreement with the country’s nuclear policy. The present study has used modern methods and scientific bases of documents. The data have been gathered from freely available electronic resources: PubMed and Dimensions. Graphs and diagrams were built using the analytical tools of electronic resources described above by the VOSviewer visualization tool. This paper has examined a new trans-corpus approach to studying the publication activity of Iranian scientists based on a comparison of the dynamics of changes in the number of publications and citations of the country’s scientists in the field of medicine, depending on the imposed international sanctions and the influence of science on the development of medicine within the framework of the sanctions policy. JEL Classification: F42, F51, I15.  

Today, the global system is formed based on multilateralism, which is based on international relations and the origin of international organizations and institutions. But this matter is endangered by the unilateralism pursued by the United States of America. Coercive unilateral measures such as sanctions, threats, military intervention, and even measures such as withdrawal from international treaties are exerted at high levels. Therefore, such actions by a country, which considers itself protector of the human rights and interests of the international police, are contrary to the international law and the United Nations Charter and must be opposed by the international community. This study has adopted a descriptive-analytical approach and is based on internationally accepted documents and procedures. Data collection is done using library and internet tools and relying on objective data. In this study, we seek to answer the critical question of whether the United States' unilateral and hostile sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran are legitimate in terms of international law and human rights. Our initial answer (hypothesis) to this question is that the hostile actions of the United States of America against the Iranian people are blatant violations of international human rights law following the resolutions of the UN and the Human Rights Council. The fundamental rights of the Iranian people, such health, life, and the right to development, in all its legitimate respects, have been directly influenced by the hostile and unilateral actions of the United States, and have a worrying impact on the human rights and life of the Iranians. The United States' actions also impede the establishment of lasting and comprehensive peace and security in the international arena. The purpose of this study, therefore, is to examine and evaluate the contradictions between the sanctions as one of the most essential enforced and hostile actions of the United States' government against the economic resources of the Iranian state and nation from the perspective of the international law and human rights.

Any political unit's development, strength, and subsistence, especially in critical situations, rely on people's participation and social resources. Similarly, in costly and threatening crises like war, reliance on the masses and their responsibility leads to social advancement and solutions to state problems. The main question of the present article is ‘whether popular participation in the imposed war and Western sanctions could be a pattern for solving the country's future problems?’ People's presence and participation have been of most crucial factors of victory, persistence, and maintenance of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. The findings declare that although we can find examples of this kind of national partnership in some nations, Iranians' successful model of unity and participation during the eight years of unequal war and sanctions is unique. Using this model can lead to the solidarity of the government and nation in rapid development and ensure the country's progress in the future. The study employs a library-research method for data collection in a descriptive-analytical approach.

Since the advent of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, the country has been continuously subject to severe sanctions by the Western countries, especially the United States. In all these years, the U.S. sanctions did not affect Iran’s economy much, due to the fact that the two countries have no formal relations and as a result, their economies are not, by any means, interdependent. However, Iran’s economy has been reliant on extensive interactions with the European countries; the EU sanctions against Iran since 2011, therefore, have harshly affected Iran’s economy and caused adverse social impacts on Iranian lives. In the shadow of Iran’s dark image in the eyes of the world, one issue that has remained overshadowed by the discussions on the impact and effectiveness of the sanctions, is the severe human rights crises left by the EU sanctions. The key question is what have been the human rights and humanitarian consequences of the EU sanctions for Iran, and how serious have these consequences been for the country? As the author argues in this paper, EU economic sanctions against Iran are considered violations of the three main generations of human rights and are therefore unwarranted. Given this, the resumption of sanctions since 2018 would lead to a human rights disaster in Iran. The effect of these sanctions will not affect the Iranian government, but the Iranian civilians, especially the vulnerable, which will undermine their human dignity.

In most target countries unilateral sanctions act as obstacles that deprive nationals of human rights, particularly economic rights. This descriptive-analytical study to assess the legitimacy of US sanctions from a human rights perspective, especially in relation to ICESCR, seeks to answer the following question: On what basis can the US government be committed to respecting the human rights of Iranians in imposing unilateral sanctions? It is necessary to prove the existence of such an obligation since a State is considered internationally responsible if it violates a proven obligation. As it assumes that all states have the commitment to cooperate for the fulfillment of human rights for all human beings, the findings of this study according to CESCR comments, show that obligations that are related to economic human rights including the obligation to respect and cooperate can be considered extraterritorial, as well. Regarding Iranians residing in America, the US government must respect and uphold these economic human rights in its territory and regarding the Iranians who are within a third country, a blend of (Extra)territorial obligations are raised for America and the countries in which Iranians reside.

In the 2000s, some projects were defined to export Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) in order to increase Iran’s presence in gas export markets. However, despite the initial planning until 2020, when this research was conducted, none led to a result, and Iran could not play a role in this market. Delay in executing these plans will lead to losing the opportunity to use the joint South Pars field and billions of dollars of foreign exchange earnings. The purpose of this study, which was conducted 2019 to 2020, is to identify the factors leading to the failure of Iran’s LNG projects. In order to identify and prioritize these factors, the opinion of experts and the Fuzzy Delphi technique is employed. Investigating the condition at the national and international level indicates that some factors have prevented all of these projects from being successful, including political issues, international sanctions on Iran, lack of domestic capital, lack of appropriate foundation for attracting foreign investors, constraints of domestic rules and regulations, especially in the upstream sector for choosing the contract format, not having access to the liquefaction technology, and the issues pertinent to marketing, and the most important one, lack of suitable commercial structural design. Identifying these factors and planning for tackling them is the key to escaping this current situation and a guide for prospering in future projects of the country.

One of the most critical issues in Iran's foreign policy is European countries' foreign policy toward the Iran-US crisis. The hostage crisis in Tehran on November 4, 1979 (Aban 13, 1358 SH) was the first Iran-US crisis to affect Iran's relations with Western countries. This study aims to investigate the following question: "What were the French policies toward the hostage crisis, and how were they formed?" To answer this question, the “strategic autonomy” framework was utilized to comprehend France's foreign policy. This research employs a "historical case study" methodology, which critically analyzes historical documents, such as press documents, official reactions, and diplomatic documents. The findings of this study indicate that the French foreign policy of this period can be analyzed using the concept of "strategic autonomy." In its relations with Iran, France adopted the policy of "independently regulating relations with a third country," "independence in foreign policy decision-making," and "ensuring the well-being of citizens," whereas in its relations with the US, it followed the policy of non-interference in the US's reciprocal crisis with the third party and maintaining economic interests.

Economic sanctions, involving trade restrictions imposed by one country or a group of countries against another, come in various forms, such as tariffs, trade barriers, and import/export restrictions. In recent times, Iran and Russia have become targets of diverse economic sanctions imposed by the Western Bloc. Given that both countries heavily rely on their energy sectors as the bedrock of their economies, this study focuses on assessing the impact of Western sanctions on Iran and Russia's energy industries. Employing the Futurology method (Scenario planning), the research examines the effects of Western sanctions on the energy sectors of Iran and Russia, and explores their respective responses to mitigate these adverse consequences. The findings highlight four potential scenarios for the future of the Iranian and Russian energy sectors, based on two megatrends of sanctions and geopolitical tensions. Among these scenarios, the "Ideal scenario" emerges as the most favorable outcome, while the "Austerity scenario" poses the greatest challenges. Despite the short-term efficacy of these strategies, the study underscores heightened long-term investment risks in both nations. Consequently, foreign investors' participation in the oil and gas sectors of Iran and Russia is expected to decline.

The multiplication of economic sanctions has caused serious challenges for the users of international arbitration. Access to international arbitration and, more particularly, to institutional arbitration has been seriously affected by their ever-growing spread. Fundamental principles that should govern any sound arbitral process are adversely affected. In certain instances, sanctions have led to a denial of justice. After being tetanized for many years, arbitration institutions are taking steps to remedy this situation. Such steps are, however, still insufficient. Users and practitioners from sanctioned states continue to remain in an unfair position. They should take this situation into account when drafting arbitration agreements.

EXTENDED ABSTRACT INTRODUCTION The number of revealed corruption-related crimes is one of the major challenges of Iran which has been significantly increased in recent years. According to official reports, although only two cases of embezzlement were reported in 1990s and 2000s with a total value up to $ 800 million, administrative corruption has significantly increased in 2010s with 13 large corruption cases and a total value up to $ 14 billion and a growth of over 1500% compared to 1990s and 2000s (The Iranian Students News Agency[1] (ISNA), 2017). The spread of such amount of corruption in administrative and bureaucratic system of the country can have irreparable economic and social consequences. The statistic investigations have shown that macroeconomic indicators including economic growth, employment, unemployment, poverty, inflation and income distribution have become less favorable in 2010 compared to previous decades (Statistical Center of Iran, Iran Statistical Yearbook, 2017). In this regard, the following questions can be raised: is there a relationship between corruption and the indicators of income distribution and poverty in the country? Since the volume of international and unilateral sanctions on Iran has increased in the 2010s, does such a widespread growth in the volume and value of corruption cases in Iran have a relationship with sanctions?   METHODOLOGY Therefore, the purpose of the present study is to investigate the effect of sanctions on causal relationship between corruption, income inequality and poverty in Iran during 1984 to 2020. For this purpose, the indices of per capita income, poverty line, administrative corruption and control of corruption, Atkinson and Gini have been utilized to investigate their interactions through Toda-Yamamoto Causality Test.   FINDINGS Findings of research show that:   sanctions have affected the causality of per capita income on administrative corruption. sanctions have affected the causality of corruption control on per capita income. sanctions have affected the causality of income distribution on per capita income. sanctions had no effect on causality of per capita income, on Atkinson Index and vice versa. sanctions had no effect on causality of per between poverty line, on administrative corruption and vice versa. sanctions had an effect on causality of per between poverty line, on corruption control and vice versa. sanctions had a significant positive effect on poverty line, but had no significant effect on GINI index. In other words, sanctions have affected the causality of income distribution on poverty line. sanctions had no effect on causality of poverty line, on Atkinson Index and vice versa. sanctions had no effect on causality of GINI index, on administrative corruption and vice versa. sanctions had no effect on causality of GINI index, on corruption control and vice versa. sanctions had a significant positive effect on administrative corruption, but had no significant effect on Atkinson index. In other words, sanctions have affected the causality of income distribution on administrative corruption. sanctions had a significant positive effect on Atkinson index, but had no significant effect on corruption control. In other words, sanctions have affected the causality of corruption control on income distribution.     CONCLUSION The purpose of the present study was to investigate the effect of sanctions on causal relationship between corruption, income inequality and poverty in Iran during1984 to 2020. For this purpose, the indices of per capita income p, poverty line, Atkinson, GINI, administrative corruption and corruption control were investigated. In general, the following results were obtained from the present study:   Income distribution is not an effective variable for poverty in Iran. Corruption is an effective variable for causality of poverty in Iran and its significance level is higher under sanctions condition. Corruption and poverty cannot properly explain the income distribution in Iran. However, the corruption control can be the cause of income distribution and poverty line is a proper representative for the cause of income distribution under sanctions conditions. Income distribution is a strong variable for causality of corruption in Iran. Poverty can properly explain the causality of corruption in Iran under sanctions condition, but is not the cause of corruption under normal condition.   According to the obtained results, it seems that sanctions condition is an effective variable for the relationship between variables of income distribution, corruption and poverty. However, the effective factors of income distribution need further investigations in future.  

This article covers the emergence of resistance economy in the Islamic Republic of Iran within the context of international sanctions, arguing that this policy ought to be understood beyond the historical context in which it emerged. The article captures the historical, political, and economic context in which the first comprehensive economic discourse of the post-revolutionary establishment emerges, and seeks to account for its scope, concerns, and objectives. Rather than another word for protectionism, import-substitution industrialisation, economic diversification of a rentier state or a mere response to sanctions, resistance economy as espoused by Ayatollah Khamenei, is a comprehensive economic policy discourse affecting all levels of state and society in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Rather than mitigating the impact of sanctions, resistance economy is an economic discourse that seeks to realise the revolutionary objective of economic independence, whilst transforming the economy of the Islamic Republic from a source of weakness to a source of strength in its pursuit of a new, more equitable international order.

Following the Islamic revolution, Iran has consistently faced threats from neighboring countries and major global powers. In response to Iran's revolutionary stance and its challenging position in the international arena, the United States has imposed significant arms and military sanctions aimed at curbing Iran's influence in the region. However, drawing from historical lessons, Iran has adopted a deterrence strategy to counter external pressures. To compensate for its relative conventional military weaknesses and maintain deterrence against adversaries, Iran has prioritized the development and production of missile capabilities. This study delves into the development of Iran's missile capabilities and their correlation with U.S. arms embargoes. It seeks to answer whether these sanctions have effectively contained Iran's regional influence. Employing a Trend Impact analysis methodology that utilizes library resources, we will explore the trajectory of Iran's missile industry development under sanctions. Furthermore, we assess the efficacy of these sanctions on Iran's defense capabilities and military structure. The research findings indicate that U.S. military sanctions have failed to achieve their intended objectives and safeguard the interests of the U.S. and its regional allies. Contrary to assertions, the sanctions have strengthened Iran's missile capabilities and regional influence, solidifying the country's position as a regional power in the international system.

American sanctions against Iran are one of the most extensive in terms of variety and extent . The most approved sanctions are unilateral against a country. While unilateral economic sanctions in an extraterritorial manner are considered a violation of the sovereignty of other countries in this regard.This research is done through analytical-descriptive methodGiri has studied the legal analysis of Iran's foreign investment embargo by the United States of America based on reliable research documents and international law jurisprudence. The findings of the research show that the restrictions caused by the unilateral US sanctions against Iran and the increase in investment costs can be considered as a serious obstacle to foreign investment in Iran. However, in 1991, the United Nations General Assembly strongly urged governments to end unilateral pressures. Also in the another one in 1996 called for the removal of such practices under the title "Elimination of economic pressure measures as a means of political and economic coercion".The American side in sanctioning Iran violates the principle of peaceful coexistence among governments, which requires respect for the political principles of international law, i.e. the legal equality of governments, non-interference, cooperation and friendship, respect for the independence and territorial integrity of governments among the members of the international community. This type of actions lacks legal and international validity due to the lack of legitimacy.