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Artificial Intelligence has emerged as a transformative technology with implications for global security. This article using descriptive-analytic method aims to explore the US and China’s Competition for AI supremacy and its security consequences for global security. The research main question is that “what ramifications do the US and China’s competition for AI supremacy have for global security?” This article argues that the competition between China and the U.S in the realm of AI technologies has significant ramifications for global security, with implications spanning economic, military, and geopolitical spheres. This multifaceted competition casts a profound shadow over the contemporary international landscape and necessitates a nuanced understanding of its consequences. This article also discusses that international collaboration, dialogue, and the establishment of norms and regulations are crucial in harnessing the benefits of AI while mitigating its risks. The final section of this article addresses recommendations to robust AI systems that prioritize human rights. By embracing a responsible approach to AI, we can strive towards a safer and more secure world.

The relationship between Identity and stability occupies the core of consensus democracy philosophy, as this governance model is designed to ultimately realise stability by addressing societal fragmentation in divided societies. In Iraq, this relationship shapes a complicated trajectory, mainly because the society moved fast from identity politics (transition) to issues politics (post-transition), which turned the consensus democracy itself that succeeded in realising stability in the transition by functioning well in addressing identity-related crises paradoxically into a driver for instability in the post-transition, for its dysfunctionality beyond the identity sphere. This article argues that this dysfunctionality is primarily linked to flaws of Arend Lijphart’s theory of consensus democracy more than problems stemming from the Iraqi context. It reviews and analyses the existing literature on the nexus of identity and stability under consensus democracy, taking Iraq as a case study. As a review article, this research uses the qualitative method; its data are collected from secondary sources. It found that the philosophy of consensus democracy is designed to primarily meet transition demands, which makes rapid societal transformation beyond transition raise bottom-up pressures expressed in new demands that this democracy cannot accommodate, creating a growing gap between the post-transitional social dynamics and the transitional politics, which generates chronic instability. Further research is needed on stabilisation mechanisms in post-transition, as most studies of consensus democracy focus on stability in transition.

This study aims to investigate Saudi Arabia’s quest for regional hegemony, including its objectives, initiatives, and difficulties. In other words, the degree to which Saudi Arabia has been successful in establishing itself as the region’s dominant power. It is crucial to thoroughly explain Saudi Arabia’s psychological and practical justifications for pursuing regional hegemony in this context. To examine the political discourses, reality, narratives, ambitions, and perspectives of Saudi Arabia and compare these with other regional powers in this area, as well as to highlight a number of context-specific constraints on Saudi Arabia’s aspirations for regional hegemony, is the goal of the research. In addition, it intends to investigate how external powers such as the United States, China, Russia, the European Union, and Turkey influence Middle Eastern regional dynamics based on their own vested interests. This analysis demonstrates that Saudi Arabia’s drive for regional hegemony is mostly restrained by external causes. First, despite its preeminent economic power, the country lacks strong military capabilities to provide a security shield for its friends in this region. Second, the sectarian politics and undiversified economy of the region make it unlikely that secondary nations will receive full public goods. Third, low economic integration, the perception of a common regional threat, the absence of a broad free trade arrangement, the superiority of hard power over soft power, and a lack of mutual trust among regional countries are significantly diminishing the acceptance of Saudi Arabia’s hegemonic role in the region. However, Saudi Arabia is deliberately involving regional partners and coalitions in regional growth. The country takes on the main task for reshaping the Middle East’s economy and elevating this region to success. If Saudi Arabia is successful in fostering regional integration, offering a security shield, encouraging trust building, and collaborating with other states in this region to address shared regional threats, it will have a greater chance than the majority of other states in the region to become the regional hegemon. 

The purpose of this paper is to explain the nature of Russia's competitive pattern with Western countries in Africa. It seems that Russia has taken advantage of the “Politics of memory strategy “to expand its influence and to weaken the position of Western countries in Africa. This paper tends to explain why and how the Russian authorities have adopted this behavior to compete with European countries in this continent? The hypothesis is that Russia tries to represent the experience of colonialism to revive the memory of anti-colonialism, through "narratives" using the "genealogy method”. By using the qualitative analysis method, the authors try to prove the research hypotheses. This research covers the African continent between 2019 and 2023, although due to the nature of the research, the Cold War period have also been examined.     

Every scientific discipline requires a philosophical explanation. This means that it must address several fundamental questions, as follows: What is the nature of the discipline? What does it study? In other words, what is its subject matter? And to what extent is it real, tangible, and researchable—whether objective or subjective, apparent, hidden, or virtual? Why should the discipline exist? What are its existential and ontological necessities? How distinct and unique is its epistemological domain? To what extent does it overlap or intertwine with other scientific disciplines? What are the points of convergence and divergence with other fields? How real or constructed are the phenomena it examines? What is the ultimate goal of the discipline? What cognitive or practical human needs does it fulfill? How should the subject of the discipline be studied? What philosophical and cognitive methodologies, as well as research methods and techniques, are (or can be) used in this process? What is the epistemological validity of these methods? A comprehensive and reasoned response to these questions effectively shapes the theoretical framework and scientific philosophy of the discipline in question. Since geography has long been recognized as one of humanity's cognitive and epistemological domains, its philosophical explanation is essential.

Geostrategic realms refer to large-scale spatial zones on the Earth shaped by the rivalry among major global powers, forming extensive blocs of confrontation. These realms are structured through a combination of political, cultural, economic, social, military, security, commercial, technological, and media-related factors or a subset thereof and are typically led by a dominant actor assuming a guiding role. At the global level, two primary realms can currently be identified: the maritime realm and the continental realm. Transformations within geostrategic realms are infrequent and evolve over the long term, as dominant powers strive to preserve their superiority and stability by leveraging the aforementioned variables. In the aftermath of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which intensified cohesion among maritime powers, a new geopolitical window has opened for China to strengthen its position within the continental realm. Moreover, the rise of Donald Trump as President of the United States and the resulting transatlantic tensions over the Ukraine war present the potential for reshaping the global geostrategic landscape. This study investigates these emerging fractures and examines the prospects for realignment among global realms and the rise of new strategic actors. It analyzes geostrategic configurations through the lens of prominent geopolitical theories and interprets the shifting dynamics between the maritime and continental realms in the current global context. The research is primarily based on library and documentary sources and follows a descriptive-analytical methodology.

The paper is an attempt to analyse Afghanistan's shifting security and economic conditions under Taliban rule using the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT). Since the Taliban regained power in 2021, they have faced critical challenges in establishing stable governance, resulting in a severe humanitarian crisis compounded by economic collapse and political isolation. External aid reduction and sanctions have limited Afghanistan’s access to the global financial system, leading to dramatic socio-economic setbacks. Regional actors, including India, Pakistan, China and Iran, interact cautiously with the Taliban administration, aiming to prevent cross-border instability and insurgent threats, while hesitating to grant formal recognition. For South Asia, Afghanistan’s internal upheaval escalates security tensions, particularly between India and Pakistan, and poses broader risks regarding extremism and economic destabilization. This study suggests that collaborative, conditional engagement by regional stakeholders facilitated through SAARC and SCO platforms may provide a viable path toward stability if the Taliban adhere to basic humanitarian and security norms. Such regional engagement is essential for addressing Afghanistan's humanitarian needs and reducing threats to regional security.

When analyzing the histories of nations, it becomes clear that times of crisis often give rise to various figures who position themselves as problem solvers. Among these, authoritarian leaders are particularly notable. While certain aspects of their childhoods are frequently cited as significant, the geopolitical contexts and global shifts during their rise to power are equally crucial. These leaders typically emerge in countries experiencing similar external pressures, regional conflicts, or transformations in the international balance of power. By examining these shared geopolitical circumstances alongside personal histories, we gain valuable insight into the emergence and appeal of such figures during turbulent periods. This study identifies eight widely recognized cases from 1919 to 2011, including Adolf Hitler, Manuel Noriega, Idi Amin, Muammar Gaddafi, Benito Mussolini, Saddam Hussein, Pol Pot, and Tojo Hideki. Using a descriptive, analytical, and comparative approach, it seeks to answer the question: how do authoritarian figures exploit geopolitical environments to consolidate and expand their power? The findings suggest that such leaders often use ongoing crises to legitimize their actions, manipulate public sentiment, and push territorial or ideological agendas. To enhance accuracy and pattern recognition, artificial intelligence (AI) techniques were employed in the analysis phase. These tools helped reveal recurring behavioral and geopolitical patterns that may otherwise remain unnoticed. The study emphasizes the importance of identifying these dynamics early to prevent future international crises.

In the late twentieth century, many important facts that led to clear-cut changes in the structure of energy security issues, the most prominent of which was the global strategic oil reserve. These facts prompted regional circles to build a new world order, which includes many issues of energy security and ensuring the actor’s supplies. Regionally, the energy security sector in Iraq witnessed major challenges resulting from the security conditions and economic transformations. After the withdrawal of American forces from Iraq in 2011, security challenges increased significantly. Extremist armed groups such as ISIS attacked Oil areas, which led to a major threat to oil production and export. Oil facilities in Iraq witnessed several terrorist attacks and sabotage operations, which negatively affected the country’s ability to achieve sustainable production and export of energy supply Therefore, the operations to liberate the oil regions by the Iraqi forces from the control of the terrorist organization ISIS contributed to the Iraqi government seeking to put forward economic initiatives, most notably the development path to secure Iraqi energy supplies, in achieving economic prosperity for the country and the regional environment. this article analyzes the impact of energy security strategy for Iraq, The descriptive method is used in this article and the geopolitical and Geo-strategic transformations to it against Iraq after defeat ISIS, The main purpose of the article is to explain Iraq's goals in developing energy supply that aims to create a Economic well-being regional and international.

Latin America has witnessed radical transformations for the first time since the collapse of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s. The most important features of the transformations revolve around the orientations of India’s policies. The most important of these differences is the abandonment by most of these countries of the centrality of the ideology of hostility to Western imperialism, and the adoption of an approach based on reforming the global system to serve their interests, and a pragmatism supporting multilateralism (as opposed to non-alignment) to confront multidimensional threats, through multilateralism and building coalitions across ideology, in addition to strategic hedging and resistance to joining alliances under the umbrella of the great powers. This new global environment, and the rise of the influence of the major powers in the global south and their efforts to promote their national interests as a strategic priority, created geopolitical, economic and value complexities for India, which produced an approach to its orientations to compete towards the Latin continent.

This article discusses the responses to the announcement of King Hussein of the Hejaz for the caliphate in the French and British-mandated territories, which include Syria, Lebanon, and Palestine in 1924. This study uses a qualitative research method by analyzing the primary and secondary sources. This article finds that the announcement of King Hussein’s caliphate in Syria, Lebanon, and Palestine has provoked various reactions with strong support among the Arab populations in these regions. The findings also show that this support to restore the caliphate for the Arabs and the Quraysh was raised for proclaiming King Hussein as caliph. The most significant reaction of all, however, was in the French-mandated territories of Syria and Lebanon. This matter has caused an uneasy reaction from the French colonial to undermine support for King Hussein. His reign was short-lived. He lost his Hashemite kingdom and the caliphate in the same year, when the Saudi ruler, Ibn Saud immediately attacked his declaration as illegitimate and launched a military campaign in Hejaz. King Hussein went into exile to Cyprus, where he lived until he died in 1931.

This article employs the theoretical framework of the conflict school to examine the role of economic reforms in consolidating neopatrimonialism in Saudi Arabia. The central hypothesis of the article is that the recent initiatives of Mohammed bin Salman, particularly through the Vision 2030 document, aimed at adapting the Saudi political system to internal and external changes, maintaining stability and continuity of the regime, and centralizing power in his hands, have contributed to the consolidation of neopatrimonialism in the country. While these economic and social reforms ostensibly aim to modernize Saudi Arabia's economy and society, they effectively function as tools to reinforce traditional power structures and solidify the dominance of the Al Saud family, particularly Mohammed bin Salman himself. By analyzing available data and recent political-economic trends in Saudi Arabia, the article addresses the question of how economic reforms have contributed to the consolidation of neopatrimonialism and what implications this has for the country's power structure. The findings reveal that these reforms, while creating superficial changes in the economy and society, act as mechanisms to preserve and strengthen the patrimonial system and perpetuate the dominance of the ruling elite.