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Middle East
حوزه های تخصصی:
This paper examines convergence of real GDP per capita in the selected East Asian countries and this relationship with selected Middle East countries during the period 1950-2009. The reason behind this refers to the fact that East Asia countries (including China، Hong Kong، Singapore، Malaysia، Indonesia، Thailand، Japan and South Korea) have been involved in achieving success arising from regional cooperation. On the other hand، the Middle East region has been well-known in producing and exporting oil (Iran، Iraq، Kuwait، Qatar، Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates). However، these countries have had strong relationship whit East Asian countries through trade and investment relations. Overall، the question is whether such strong relationship has led to a reduction in the real per capita gap between the selected countries of the both regions. To find the answer، income departures across countries are evaluated from several panel data unit root tests. We and no evidence supporting the existence of convergence process for the income in the East Asian and Middle East countries. But in each region، convergence within countries can not reject.
Transboundary Water Management Improvements, the Way Forward in the Middle East; Case Study: Transboundary Water Management of Iran and Neighbors(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)
حوزه های تخصصی:
Human civilizations have been created and developed adjacent water resources such as rivers. The old Mesopotamia Civilization near Euphrates - Tigris Rivers, The Egypt Civilization near Nile River, The India Civilization near Indus River and The Burned City Civilization near Hirmand (Helmand) River and Hamoon lakes are samples of aforementioned civilizations. Demise of old Civilizations occurred according to wars, dangerous disasters and illness, droughts and deficiency of water. Today, with regards to limitation of ancient empires, kingdoms and governments and creation of new small and big countries, new boundaries have been established and the importance of fresh water resources and transboundary rivers has been increased much more and after that several challenges and disputes have been occurred between countries for accessing fresh water over these resources and even some serious disputes and wars between countries have been occurred in 20th century. According to aforementioned, government's consideration and attempts of countries are toward compiling new methods for water resources management specially based on principles of Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM). Also for decreasing challenges and disputes and prevention of new challenges, water treaties based on international laws, and previous historic water rights and or the necessity to friendship relations between countries could help us achieving to unique and more suitable solutions in Transboundary Waters. Iran and its neighbors have several Transboundary Rivers Basins such as Aras (with Turkey, Armenia and Azerbaijan), Atrak (with Turkmenistan), Arvanad (Shat-Al-Arab) (with Iraq), Hirmand and Harirud (with Afghanistan) and others. In this paper, after a brief survey on Transboundary Rivers of Middle East Countries, it is presented the experiences of Transboundary Water Management of Iran and its neighbors in several fields of implementations, challenges, successful and new required process for implementation of IWRM in the Transboundary Rivers.
The short run and long run causality between financial development and economic growth in the Middle East(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)
حوزه های تخصصی:
Using panel data error correction models, we investigate the short- and long-run causality between financial development and economic growth in the Middle East. Three different indicators are used to measure financial developments. Generalized Least Square (GLS) method with cross-section Seemingly Unrelated Regression (SUR) and fixed effecst in cross dimension is used to estimate the models. Our estimation results suggest that there is bidirectional causality between financial development and economic growth in both the short- and long run. The result underscores the feedback between finance and growth and hence advocates the third view that emphasizes on mutual causality between financial development and economic growth. In other words, finance can promote growth and in turn output growth will enhance financial development in the Middle East. This results can have important policy implications for both policymakers and international institutions.
Globalization and Islamic Cities of the Middle East(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)
حوزه های تخصصی:
Throughout the history, cities, from city states of the ancient Greece to the Islamic cities and the cities of the middle ages have been related to each other and have always been the origin of the changes of human societies. The main instances of communications and transformations can be witnessed in Islamic cities, such as Mecca, Baghdad, Basra, Isfahan, Cordova, and Cairo during the eighth to tenth centuries A.D. when they were involved in major, and mostly, global processes. The Middle East, after a long period of decline, is now the arena of globalization, and its cities are entering into the process of globalization and are increasingly connecting to the network of global cities.The aim of the present study is to explain the range of globalization in the Middle Eastern mega cities, and the position of such cities in the network of global cities. This study was conducted through descriptive-analytical method. The findings indicate that although Islamic cities have been, for a long time, the main actors at global level, they were unable to play a significant role in the process of globalization due to lack of civil institutions, colonization and the rentier nature of most regional governments. However, today, some of these cities, due to their geographical position, and friendly approach to world economy and capital have been able to gain a good position in the network of global cities.
Culture, Lifestyle and the Information Revolution in the Middle East and Muslim World
حوزه های تخصصی:
For over two decades, the ‘information revolution’ in the Middle
East has been framed overwhelmingly in terms of media, more of it,
and in comparisons to mass media – from the advent of any-to-any
communication to ad hoc conceptualizations such as ‘crowd-sourcing’ or
‘citizen journalism’ – that register the multiplication of voices, channels
and eroding boundaries in spheres of communication. The record has
expanded more than conceptualizations of its sociologies in media and
communications studies. It’s time for other questions that elicit additional
and more basic features of Internet practices from choices that shape
individual repertoires and participation to continuities between users
and producers to how actual practices scale up, which actually link micro
and macro processes. To elicit these broader sociologies, and move
beyond the limited social physics of ‘impact’ of the Internet on culture and
lifestyles, I draw on the related sociologies of reference group and network
theory, on Science-Technology-Society studies and sociolinguistics to
bring disruption of existing institutions, on the one hand, and cooptation
by them, on the other, into more unified theory of the play of information
revolution in culture and lifestyles on the Internet.
The Regional Context of Human Rights in the Middle East(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)
حوزه های تخصصی:
Human rights situation in the Middle East (ME) is a central concern in contemporary political as well as academic discourses. There is a considerable amount of literature on the subject, both academic and journalistic, in the Western world. A large part of that literature blames the ME in different ways for its ‘terrible’ conception and treatment of human rights norms. They typically, do not hesitate to contextualise it as ‘Middle Eastern’ phenomenon. It is fascinating, though, that such contextualization is proposed predominantly without a substantial and appropriate context analysis. In this article, a context analysis is conducted, adopting an Area Studies Approach to identify the major features of a Middle Eastern context where human rights norms experience the region’s realities. As a result, four particular items, Islam, oil, Islamic-Western relations, and Israel are proposed as the main factors that form the real context of human rights in the Middle East. This analysis demonstrates that the influential causes of human rights violations in the ME are from both internal and external sources. The internal sources are highlighted in the dominant works of the field. It is interesting, however, that these works largely ignore the external ones. The nature of external factors, Western or attached to Western treatment of the Middle East might reveal the real motivations behind such remarkable overlooking.
New Science and Technology in Line with Terrorist Groups in the Middle East(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)
حوزه های تخصصی:
Abstract: Terrorism is a phenomenon that has spread to almost all parts of the world in the late 20th century and the beginning of the 21th century to the extent that many Middle East-ern countries have been subjected to such violence and unrest; in fact, with the advent of science and technology, particularly the global spread of the Internet and social net-works, the face of terrorism has been changed and in sum, not only facilitated terrorist attacks, but also introduced new lands of opportunities in the field of means and instru-ments for terrorists. Thus, the application of biological, chemical, radiological as well as cyber attacks proves that terrorist groups benefited from modernized science and ad-vanced tools root in the potentials of the globalization age. Clearly, they do so in order to improve the only process of goal attainment. The main issue of this descriptive-analytic paper concerns how new science and technology appealed in line with the de-velopment of terrorist groups actions in the Middle East? Accordingly, the hypothesis is that terrorist groups in the Middle East are constantly using modern facilities and tech-nologies in the globalization space to represent themselves and to create massive terror-ist networks. This will bring more and more propaganda for broader terrorist activities and significantly promote recruitment as well.
Saudi Arabia’s Aggressive Oil Policy against Iran (2011-2016)(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)
منبع:
World Sociopolitical Studies, Winter ۲۰۱۹, Volume ۳, Issue ۱
199 - 232
حوزه های تخصصی:
Iran and Saudi Arabia have long been engaged in heated rivalry and conflict in the Middle East. These two regional powers are both major oil-exporting countries; in major foreign policy issues, therefore, oil is used as an important tool to pursue goals. Iran and Saudi Arabia have a long history of differences on oil policies, but one of the most severe differences emerged in 2011-2016, along with escalating tensions between the two countries in the region, which heavily shaped oil market trends in this period. In an attempt to analyze these oil market trends, the main question addressed in this article concerns Saudi Arabia’s decisions to use oil as a weapon against Iran in 2011-2016. The article reveals that the perception of expanding Iranian influence in the Middle East drove Saudis to resort to oil as weapon against Iran in 2011-2016. However, restrictions on the use of this tool led Saudi Arabia to withdraw from most part of this policy, especially in the oil market. The article uses neoclassical realism approach and illustrates Saudis’ direct and indirect use of oil weapon against Iran, and analyzes the outcomes of this offensive oil policy for the two countries in particular, and for the international oil market in general.
Iran and Canada Relations Main Obstacles and Bilateral Perspectives
حوزه های تخصصی:
Despite Iran’s critical relations with USA since the Islamic Revolution in 1979, Canada had often played the role of an honest broker and maintained relations with Iran, con-trary to the US. Although the Canadian Government has not viewed the Iranian regime as democratic actor, it was interested in pursuing diplomacy for moderating the Iranian Policies too. Iran and Canada relations have passed the numerous ups and downs in the diplomatic, political and economic affairs. As our major question, this study aims at in-vestigating the main factors, which affect the structure of bilateral relations. Canada has controlled engagement policy limits talks with Iran down to four main subjects: Iran’s human rights situation, its regional role, notably towards Israel and the Middle East Peace Process, its nuclear program and an unfair accusation claiming a supportive role for Iran in world terrorism. Insisting on the principles of its foreign policy with its own reasonable justifications, Iran has tried to test various ways for conserving some levels of cooperation particularity economic and for keeping so the limited links with North America. Relaying on discourse analysis, the article tries to elaborate the related issues by looking at the perspectives of both parties.
The Zarzian in the Context of the Epipaleolithic Middle East(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)
Although the Zarzian was first identified in the 1920s, it has not been until recently that detailed investigations of it have been undertaken. In contrast to the intensive research on the Epipaleolithic period in the Levant, the Zarzian in the Zagros area is less well known, although it shares some similarities (as well as differences) with the Levantine Epipaleolithic including trajectories of hunter-gatherer subsistence and other behavioral strategies that may have played a role in long-term processes ultimately leading in both regions to the advent of food production economies
Chinese Soft Power: Creating a Charm Image in the Islamic World
حوزه های تخصصی:
A Geopolitical Approach Toward Deficit and Non- Growth of Democracy in The Middle East [Case Study: Iran and Saudi Arabia](مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)
منبع:
ژئوپلیتیک سال شانزدهم زمستان ۱۳۹۹ شماره ۴ (پیاپی ۶۰)
234 - 263
حوزه های تخصصی:
It is argued in this paper that the non-formation or non-growth of democracy in the Middle East is related to geopolitical centrality. The network analysis of Iran and Saudi Arabia in terms of geopolitical centrality indicates that the high geopolitical centrality of these two countries in the existing geopolitical sub-networks at this region is one of the important barriers against realization and promotion of democracy. In Iran before 1979 Revolution, its high centrality under geopolitical sub-networks of security and the west and also after the 1979 Revolution, its high centrality in several ideological sub-networks have made slower Liberal democratic growth in this region.in contrast In Saudi Arabia, high centrality of this country since 1980s in ideological sub-networks and its role in geopolitical sub-networks of west and security on three past decades has hindered formation of Liberal democracy in this country..
Indeterminate Regionalism in the Middle East
منبع:
راهبرد سیاسی سال چهارم زمستان ۱۳۹۹ شماره ۱۵
93 - 112
حوزه های تخصصی:
This paper will examine regionalism and anti-regionalism trends in the Middle East after the Arab uprisings. The implementation of Trump policies in the region, the rise and fall of ISIS, the decline of the Arab uprisings, the convergence and divergence trends in the Middle East, especially among its three major actors Iran, Saudi Arabia and Turkey, have caused particular complexities. All this, has made it impossible to speak of the regional order in the Middle East, and the two processes of regionalism and anti-regionalism in the region are simultaneously emerging. The paper will explore these opposing trends in terms of recent developments and will essentially emphasize how these two opposite processes will reproduce each other in terms joint and divided security concerns? And why regionalism has not ever been fully evolved in the Middle East? It seems that the multiplicity of influential factors and the complexity of the existing relations have made very difficult the possibility of convergence and specifically regionalism in the Middle East.
Britain’s Geopolitical Consideration in The Middle East during the Six-day Arab Israel War of 1967: A Reassessment(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)
منبع:
ژئوپلیتیک سال هفدهم زمستان ۱۴۰۰ شماره ۴ (پیاپی ۶۴)
10 - 27
حوزه های تخصصی:
This study is reassessing the geopolitical consideration of the British government in the Sixth Days of the Arab-Israeli War,1967. Based on declassified documents from the British’s archive, this paper will analyze the geopolitical factor which shaped London’s reaction towards the conflict. Middle East geopolitical position was very strategic to the British interests in the region. Hence, the focus of this paper is to re-examine the consequence of the war toward Britain’s attitude in preserving her strategic military position and economic calculation in the Middle East between 1960s to early 1970s. These including the paramountcy of the British military bases in the region, arm trade commercial activities and a disruption of the oil flow from the region to the West. From historical perspective and analysis, this paper argued that the threats from the Soviet and Arab nationalist movements during the conflict had significantly influenced the British government’s reaction towards the war. Although London did not involve directly in the conflict like in the 1956’s Suez Crisis, yet British’s response was still crucial since Britain was the prime architect in drafting and tabling the United Nation Resolution 242 after the war. Indeed, this research inclines to believe that the British equilibrium attitude as proclaimed during the conflict was not purely based on a principle of a just and lasting peace but it was very much relying upon geopolitical consideration of safeguarding British major strategic interests in the region. .
The Role of Haushofer's Theory in Nazi Germany (Its Impact on Iran's National Security)(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)
منبع:
ژئوپلیتیک سال هفدهم زمستان ۱۴۰۰ شماره ۴ (پیاپی ۶۴)
263 - 288
حوزه های تخصصی:
The Middle East and North Africa have always been of great interest to global thought and power due to their strategic location and huge fuel resources. One instance was Nazi Germany, which had specific geographical considerations for the region. This study seeks to answer the question: "How did the change in the role of German geopolitics from Haushofer's Ideas to Hitler's affect the fate of Iran during Reza Shah's reign?"; We will explain what happened, and why it happened. This research is descriptive-analysis in terms of its nature and method. In this article, an attempt was made to use graphical models to better understand concepts. The results indicate that Nazi Germany's ideas for conquering the world under Adolf Hitler and Rudolf Hess were very different from those of Haushofer. In World War II, Haushofer’s theory was replaced by Hitler's viewpoints. This change had a direct impact on Iran's strategy; Reza Shah adopted a neutral strategy during this period, which eventually led to defeat and military occupation of Iran. Thus, when Nazi Germany's strategy shifted from Haushofer’s to Hitler’s, Reza Shah should have changed his approach too.
Regional Social Movement: An Inescapable Necessity for Peace in the Middle East(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)
منبع:
Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs, Volume ۹, Issue ۲۸- Serial Number ۲, October ۲۰۱۸
121 - 138
حوزه های تخصصی:
The Arab nations of the Middle East have recently become the center of religious and ethnic aggression. This paper aims to answers to the following question: what efficient approach can be used to reduce of the religious violence in Middle East by political sociological approach? This paper indicates that the formation of a regional peaceful social movement can be effective in reducing religious tensions and violence in the Middle East if it finds associated with tolerant and committed participation and activism of civil-intellectual elites and nongovernmental groups, beyond religious divisions and fanaticism. The government’s continuous effort for reduction of poverty and good distributive policies for the masses is also of great importance in this regard Furthermore, this must be followed by the presentation of practical strategies for peace and the integration of the masses. The authors believe that regional social movement along with the integration of public opinion and the production of attitudinal and intellectual transformation in the masses can deprive violent Takfiri groups, such as ISIS, from public support. This can lead to a social bottom-up and general pressure and coercion for peace and, ultimately, necessitate the regional and trans-regional powers to establish peace, but it is a time-consuming process.
The U.S. Military Presence in the Middle East and Central Asia; Iran`s Security Concerns(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)
منبع:
Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs, Volume ۱۱, Issue ۳۱ - Serial Number ۱, January ۲۰۲۰
89 - 112
حوزه های تخصصی:
The purpose of this article is to describe the extensive military buildup of the United States in these regions during George W. Bush presidency (Jan 20, 2001 to Jan 20, 2009) and suggest the reasons for it. Since there were also U.S. bases in the two Caucasian states of Azerbaijan and Georgia, they are included in this study as well. The countries of these strategically important regions are not only significant for their vast oil and gas reserves but also they are seen as actual markets for American goods and services. Moreover security issue seems to be important as well. Similar to the threats posed to the security of Iran from the US presence in these regions.
The Nuclear Issue and Iran-US Relations: Perspectives and Different Natures(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)
حوزه های تخصصی:
Since two decades ago, the Iranian nuclear issue became a full-scale international conflict. Iran's main preference is to guarantee its national security. In fact, the lack of a strategy for Iran and the channels of intense conflict around it, the scarcity of conflict management strategies and mechanisms, are forcing Iran to pursue a nuclear program. Furthermore, some severe institutional and structural confinements and limitations on Iran and the immediate need to recover its vulnerable economy have forced Iran to subsidize its fortified attitudes and behave like a rational actor in the international atmosphere. But the United States’ preference is to stabilize the regional equation with regard to support of its strategic resources and allies in the Middle East. The lack of similar understandings and different levels of calculation between Tehran and Washington over nuclear politics led to long-lasting conflict. While Iran justifies its political logic with normative paradigm and consistency with international regimes, Washington’s political calculations are standing forsecurity, threat and deterrence approaches. Moreover, whereas Iran explains its nuclear activities at the regional and transregional levels, the US analyzes it at the international level disordering the global status quo. In this paper, the game theory models will be used to understand the past and current relationship between US-Iran. Furthermore, the possibility of an equilibrium movement regarding the Iranian nuclear problem will be discussed. This analysis will focus on the preferences and interests of each state, which mainly determine the foreign policy-making process.
Salafism and Saudi Arabia’s Middle East Policy Towards Iran (2011- 2020)(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)
منبع:
Iranian Review of Foreign Affairs, Volume ۱۲, Issue ۳۳- Serial Number ۱, January ۲۰۲۱
237 - 255
حوزه های تخصصی:
This article has chosen the theoretical framework of ontological security to explain the impact of Salafism on Saudi Arabia's Middle East policy. The question is why Saudi Arabia has moved towards more support for the Taqlidi Salafist movement over the past decade, and what the identity and security implications of this support have been? The argument of the article is that the role and position of Salafism in Saudi Arabia's Middle East policy should be considered as a continuation of the historical alliance between Al-Saud and Al-Sheikh, which has played an important role in maintaining the identity and security of this actor. But the internal dynamism of the Salafi discourse, the emergence of regional rivalries, and the emergence of the so-called global counter-terrorism literature have shifted the discourse into Saudi Arabia's Middle East policy, leading to differences in identity and security with other Salafi, Sunni, and Islamism currents. The findings of the article show that between 2011 and 2020, Saudi Arabia placed Taqlidi Salafism as a pragmatic current with a conservative reading and close to the official institution of Wahhabism at the center of its Middle East policy, especially in Yemen and Libya. The present article is based on explanatory-analytical approach and the required information has been collected by library method and internet sources.
Russia and Hamas after 2006: Realities of a Questionable Relationship(مقاله علمی وزارت علوم)
منبع:
World Sociopolitical Studies, Volume ۵, Issue ۱, Winter ۲۰۲۱
193 - 223
حوزه های تخصصی:
This article aims at examining Russia's relations with the Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) and Moscow's motives and goals for the establishment and enhancement of those ties. We explore Russia's worldview to position the Middle East and Hamas in a pre-established frame, subsequently examining the reasons behind the development of these relationships. This article sets out to answer a two-fold question: What has been Russia's aim of receiving Hamas leaders and establishing high-level relations with this movement since 2006, and what components have influenced these interactions at international and regional levels? The paper argues that Russia considers its relations with Muslim nations and movements not only a foreign policy principle but also a domestic issue. Hence, it seeks to take advantage of the U.S. retrenchment from the region to expand its influence, play a mediatory role in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and elevate its reputation among Muslims inside and outside the country. Recognizing Hamas' position, Russia resolved to develop its ties with Hamas' leaders, started negotiating with all the parties in the Palestinian national reconciliation process, and provided political, economic, cultural, financial, and security support to eventually affect Hamas' stance vis-à-vis Israel.