درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

The significance of having an alliance was defined in the Great War when weak European and strong countries decided to ally to fight the mighty power of the Central Powers. Afterward, fragile countries decided to join strong alliances to overcome threats from their neighbors. The Second World War was another example of being allied with strong countries to cope with threats from Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, and the Japanese Empire. During the Winter War and Russia-Ukraine War, Finland, and Ukraine, respectively, resemble weak countries with limited military and economic capabilities taking on a dominant and belligerent force. Neorealism is one of the structural theories in International Relations, which states that states intend and follow the balance of power to ensure their security. Neorealism posits that security organizations and alliances are vital tools in the pursuit of balancing threats and ensuring national security. This research aims to highlight the importance of alliances with Russia's neighbors to avoid future conflicts with Russia. The main question of this research is why Russia's neighbors need to form or join alliances to hedge against Russia's aggression and assist member states in reducing the large amount of budget spent on military expenses. This research argues that Finland's position in 1939 and Ukraine's in 2022 are the consequence of self-reliance under an anarchic system without having an alliance and leading to final defeat or territory cession. This paper argues alliances can secure European countries and act as a shield from Russia's threats. This research will employ the explanatory method as its research method.

The purpose of this study is to examine the protracted border problems of Indonesia - Timor Leste, especially unresolved segments in the Noel Besi - Citrana area. The method used in this research is qualitative research with a case study approach. The findings in this study show that the protracted land boundary problem between Indonesia and Timor Leste, namely the unresolved segment Noel Besi-Citrana, is caused by differences in interpretation between Indonesia and Timor Leste of the 1904 Treaty. Therefore, the Noel Besi River and its estuary, as contained in the 1904 Treaty, are still a matter of debate between Indonesia and Timor Leste. The error in the 1904 Treaty was to define an object using two definitions, geometrically and toponymical, which caused later debate. This condition has an impact on the social conditions of border communities, to be prone to conflict due to the unclear territorial boundaries of the country.

During the post-Cold War era, while western countries continued to exert their influence on the world stage, Indian and Iranian officials turned their focus to the East. They introduced the Look East Policy and Look to the East Policy respectively, with the aim of leveraging the political, economic, cultural, geographical, and security opportunities available in that region. By adopting these policies, both India and Iran sought to deepen their engagement with countries in East and Southeast Asia, diversify their trade and investment portfolios, and reduce their dependence on western nations. The objective of this article is to analyze India and Iran's Look East Policy and Look to the East Policy, with a focus on their outcomes for national well-being, security, and the potential in the economic, political, and security domains with respect to Eastern countries. To do so, researchers primarily discuss the importance of the Look East Policy in the foreign policy of both India and Iran and discuss why this region comes to the center with full-fledged attention. Furthermore, they scrutinize the accomplishments of India and Iran as well as the structural barriers they encounter in the region, along with their approaches to pursuing their objectives and interests in the area. This article presents an analysis of the constraints, difficulties, and successes of the Look East policy.  

Drug trafficking is one of the main problems in Central Asia, and addressing it requires huge efforts. However, the efficiency of these efforts is doubtful, since the more effort, the more adaptive drug trafficking becomes. In Central Asia, this problem is associated with both historical prerequisites and the socio-economic situation in the region. This article discusses drug trafficking in Central Asia as an economic phenomenon and identifies the key factors that enable public policy to be more efficient in this field. The authors have analyzed the main strategy for the development of Central Asian countries and the development of synergistic actions system for developed economies (the main consumers of Afghan drugs), which may contribute to a significant reduction in drug trafficking. The major contribution of the article is in the analysis of existing and possible new routes of drug trafficking and the development of an index to assess the country's attractiveness for drug traffickers. The authors have identified two new routes and emphasized the downward trend in the attractiveness of the traditional Northern route. The novelty of the article lies in the developed conceptual models: drug circle; upstream – midstream – downstream drug trafficking; the Index of Drug Trafficking Attractiveness.     

Maintaining security, dealing with threats, and having military power to realize these things are the main concerns of countries that have security concerns. Therefore, strengthening internal power and improving the level of defense is one of the basic priorities of the government's policies. As a country with geostrategic, geopolitical and geoeconomic positions, Iran is facing important security challenges at the national, regional, and transnational levels, especially after the Islamic Revolution of 1979. The country has been at the heart of US political considerations due to Iran's political approach as a regional power in the Middle East. Iran has continuously faced serious challenges, especially from the US and Israel, and as a result, it has paid special attention to preventing possible threats from overcoming the dangers. For the national security of the country, Iranian policy makers have identified threats to national security and are trying to take measures to avoid risks. The development of military technology is defined as a key deterrent mechanism against security threats.This article analyzes the impact of the evolution of missile technology on Iran's defense-security strategy. The descriptive and analytical method is used in this article and the geopolitical and geostrategic threats against Iran are discussed. Next, Iran's defense strategy and defense policy are analyzed, then defense diplomacy and deterrence strategy are examined. The main purpose of the article is to explain Iran's goals in developing missile technology. This technology aims to create a deterrent mechanism against threats to regional and extra-regional security.

Southeast Asia is a region undergoing economic development and technological advancement. This region's economic growth is supported by the digital world, which contributes in the form of a digital economy. However, as the digital economy grows, cyberspace lacks stable cyber security governance. As a result, this area is extremely vulnerable to all types of cyber threats. The author intends to interpret the role of state actors, non-state actors, and international organizations in developing cybersecurity governance in Southeast Asia through this article. In a conceptual framework, the preparation of regional governance must involve collaboration across actors due to their distinct functions. Such governance can maintain cyber security while also accommodating stakeholders in the Southeast Asian region through multi-sectoral collaboration. Therefor, the authors argued that the collaboration between state, non-state, and regional organization are needed to overcome cyber threats. In addition, regional cybersecurity governance should be a turning point to make more secure cyber space in Southeast Asia.

The registration of Qeshm Geopark as the first geopark of Iran and the Middle East region in the list of global geoparks by UNESCO along with its natural, cultural, historical, economic, commercial and military capabilities has brought Qeshm Island to a unique position. It has made it have international value in addition to national and regional value. One of the ways to achieve coordinated development with the principles of sustainability and spatial planning is to evaluate the ecological potential of areas; this article examines the potential of using Qeshm Geopark for various activities. The current research has evaluated the potential of Qeshm Geopark in relation to agricultural activities, environmental protection, tourism, urban and commercial development, and industrial development using a systemic perspective and providing an ecological model. In this research, documentary information was collected from available library sources, and in the next step, maps related to the shape of the land in Qeshm Geopark were prepared in the GIS environment, after combining and analyzing the maps and combining them with existing social information ؛Economic information, in the final exploitation capacity of Qeshm Geopark, based on the ecological model of exploitation and using the multi-factor evaluation method, has been investigated at the level of the whole island. The results show that Qeshm Geopark has a suitable and high capacity for tourism development and extensive and concentrated industrial development and lacks sufficient capacity for agricultural development And the ecological potential and urban development and environmental protection has been assessed as moderate.

The aim of this study is to evaluate the degree to which the mentality and behaviour of the Kedah and Penang state administrations from 1965 to 1985 were impacted by the drawing of raw water from Sungai Muda, as a significant strategic factor. This article's goal is to explore the interactions between the two governments over raw water that they acquire from Sungai Muda. Additionally, it will assess the effects of Kedah's decision to permit Penang to use Sungai Muda's raw water. Based on previous studies, it was found that despite the issue's relevance and obvious connection to the current water supply dispute between the two states, researchers did not pay much attention to the management of raw water obtained from Sungai Muda by Kedah and Penang.  Since it addresses issues that will still come up between the two states in light of the present water supply crisis, this study is relevant and important. The study used a qualitative methodology in addition to primary materials such as contract documents, archival records, and secondary sources such as books and articles. From the findings, it was observed that the use of raw water sources from Sungai Muda involves close engagement between the states of Kedah and Penang from 1965 to 1985. During this time, the state governments of Penang and Kedah played a crucial role in empowering the water supply sector in their respective states. The historical experience of Malaysia's water supply policy's consolidation in the twenty-first century adds a new dimension to the conversation about water issues in the country.

One of the most important factors in maintaining a nation's unity and integrity is national identity. If national identity is defined as a sense of belonging to a country whose citizens share a common language, land, cultural heritage, customs, emotions, memories, political system, beliefs, symbols, national heroes, history, economics, art and literature, and even religion, then this sense of belonging can be a source of national solidarity and unity. Governments all over the world take advantage of educational content at different educational levels to promote a common national identity among children and adolescents in order to maintain the existence and integrity of their own country. Based on national identity elements in the formal education of primary schools in Belgium, this study aimed to analyze the answers of Belgian primary school teachers and principals to a 25-item questionnaire (sent to 3,140 primary schools in three languages of English, French, and Dutch). The results of analyzing the survey results based on national identity elements contained in the educational content of primary schools indicated that the Belgian primary school teachers and principals seek to build a common national identity based on the constituents of Belgian nationality, even if they do not admit it verbally. Also Belgian government demonstrates that not only is not indifferent to national identity but it adopts programs and strategies to consolidate the national identity and build a unified nation based on Belgian values. This study employed desk studies, qualitative content analysis, and field studies to analyze the data obtained from questionnaires and direct observations.

This article discusses the consequences of World War I towards the struggle for independence for the Balkan States. It argues that the formational process of the state of Yugoslavia was a political compromise among the Slav nations, namely the Serbs, the Croats and the Muslims in the Balkans consisting of the former Austria-Hungarian territories. The research method was based on the content analysis of declassified documents from the Public Record Office, London and the personal collection of Seton Watson documents at the University of London. This article finds that the idea of Greater Serbia is at odds with the idea of Jugoslav. This is the threat to the unification of a new state. Pressure from outside, such as Italy wanting to take advantage of the Austrian-Hungarian place in the Balkans, has alarmed Jugoslav and Serbian leaders. The Italian threat forced the Slav political leaders to immediately agree to form a Yugoslav government, even if not wholeheartedly.

This study examines the infrastructural geopolitics of South Asia, with a particular emphasis on port developments and the effects of ports on the geostrategic positioning of South Asian countries. The infrastructure assists in the transportation and movement of goods between different countries. Many nations have invested significant money in developing modern ports that capitalize on globalization. South Asian countries have consistently bolstered their ports to compete with their Western counterparts in commerce. The evolving nature of international relations reveals that ports also play a different purpose in geopolitics. The world's fastest-growing region is suffering from a lack of infrastructure. Due to low intra-regional investment and trade, South Asia has poorer infrastructure than neighboring Southeast Asia. China invested in South Asian countries to achieve its goal of establishing a global trading route in the absence of intra-regional investments and trade in South Asia. Meanwhile India has also invested, for example, in Bangladesh and the Maldives to fortify its position in the Indian Ocean. How valuable are those Chinese investments to South Asian nations? According to the literature, it depends on the country's location and investment policies. China's rise as a revisionist power has drawn differing reactions from its neighbors and the world's dominant powers.