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Every scientific discipline requires a philosophical explanation. This means that it must address several fundamental questions, as follows: What is the nature of the discipline? What does it study? In other words, what is its subject matter? And to what extent is it real, tangible, and researchable—whether objective or subjective, apparent, hidden, or virtual? Why should the discipline exist? What are its existential and ontological necessities? How distinct and unique is its epistemological domain? To what extent does it overlap or intertwine with other scientific disciplines? What are the points of convergence and divergence with other fields? How real or constructed are the phenomena it examines? What is the ultimate goal of the discipline? What cognitive or practical human needs does it fulfill? How should the subject of the discipline be studied? What philosophical and cognitive methodologies, as well as research methods and techniques, are (or can be) used in this process? What is the epistemological validity of these methods? A comprehensive and reasoned response to these questions effectively shapes the theoretical framework and scientific philosophy of the discipline in question. Since geography has long been recognized as one of humanity's cognitive and epistemological domains, its philosophical explanation is essential.

The purpose of this paper is to explain the nature of Russia's competitive pattern with Western countries in Africa. It seems that Russia has taken advantage of the “Politics of memory strategy “to expand its influence and to weaken the position of Western countries in Africa. This paper tends to explain why and how the Russian authorities have adopted this behavior to compete with European countries in this continent? The hypothesis is that Russia tries to represent the experience of colonialism to revive the memory of anti-colonialism, through "narratives" using the "genealogy method”. By using the qualitative analysis method, the authors try to prove the research hypotheses. This research covers the African continent between 2019 and 2023, although due to the nature of the research, the Cold War period have also been examined.     

The paper is an attempt to analyse Afghanistan's shifting security and economic conditions under Taliban rule using the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT). Since the Taliban regained power in 2021, they have faced critical challenges in establishing stable governance, resulting in a severe humanitarian crisis compounded by economic collapse and political isolation. External aid reduction and sanctions have limited Afghanistan’s access to the global financial system, leading to dramatic socio-economic setbacks. Regional actors, including India, Pakistan, China and Iran, interact cautiously with the Taliban administration, aiming to prevent cross-border instability and insurgent threats, while hesitating to grant formal recognition. For South Asia, Afghanistan’s internal upheaval escalates security tensions, particularly between India and Pakistan, and poses broader risks regarding extremism and economic destabilization. This study suggests that collaborative, conditional engagement by regional stakeholders facilitated through SAARC and SCO platforms may provide a viable path toward stability if the Taliban adhere to basic humanitarian and security norms. Such regional engagement is essential for addressing Afghanistan's humanitarian needs and reducing threats to regional security.

This article employs the theoretical framework of the conflict school to examine the role of economic reforms in consolidating neopatrimonialism in Saudi Arabia. The central hypothesis of the article is that the recent initiatives of Mohammed bin Salman, particularly through the Vision 2030 document, aimed at adapting the Saudi political system to internal and external changes, maintaining stability and continuity of the regime, and centralizing power in his hands, have contributed to the consolidation of neopatrimonialism in the country. While these economic and social reforms ostensibly aim to modernize Saudi Arabia's economy and society, they effectively function as tools to reinforce traditional power structures and solidify the dominance of the Al Saud family, particularly Mohammed bin Salman himself. By analyzing available data and recent political-economic trends in Saudi Arabia, the article addresses the question of how economic reforms have contributed to the consolidation of neopatrimonialism and what implications this has for the country's power structure. The findings reveal that these reforms, while creating superficial changes in the economy and society, act as mechanisms to preserve and strengthen the patrimonial system and perpetuate the dominance of the ruling elite.

The relationship between Identity and stability occupies the core of consensus democracy philosophy, as this governance model is designed to ultimately realise stability by addressing societal fragmentation in divided societies. In Iraq, this relationship shapes a complicated trajectory, mainly because the society moved fast from identity politics (transition) to issues politics (post-transition), which turned the consensus democracy itself that succeeded in realising stability in the transition by functioning well in addressing identity-related crises paradoxically into a driver for instability in the post-transition, for its dysfunctionality beyond the identity sphere. This article argues that this dysfunctionality is primarily linked to flaws of Arend Lijphart’s theory of consensus democracy more than problems stemming from the Iraqi context. It reviews and analyses the existing literature on the nexus of identity and stability under consensus democracy, taking Iraq as a case study. As a review article, this research uses the qualitative method; its data are collected from secondary sources. It found that the philosophy of consensus democracy is designed to primarily meet transition demands, which makes rapid societal transformation beyond transition raise bottom-up pressures expressed in new demands that this democracy cannot accommodate, creating a growing gap between the post-transitional social dynamics and the transitional politics, which generates chronic instability. Further research is needed on stabilisation mechanisms in post-transition, as most studies of consensus democracy focus on stability in transition.

When analyzing the histories of nations, it becomes clear that times of crisis often give rise to various figures who position themselves as problem solvers. Among these, authoritarian leaders are particularly notable. While certain aspects of their childhoods are frequently cited as significant, the geopolitical contexts and global shifts during their rise to power are equally crucial. These leaders typically emerge in countries experiencing similar external pressures, regional conflicts, or transformations in the international balance of power. By examining these shared geopolitical circumstances alongside personal histories, we gain valuable insight into the emergence and appeal of such figures during turbulent periods. This study identifies eight widely recognized cases from 1919 to 2011, including Adolf Hitler, Manuel Noriega, Idi Amin, Muammar Gaddafi, Benito Mussolini, Saddam Hussein, Pol Pot, and Tojo Hideki. Using a descriptive, analytical, and comparative approach, it seeks to answer the question: how do authoritarian figures exploit geopolitical environments to consolidate and expand their power? The findings suggest that such leaders often use ongoing crises to legitimize their actions, manipulate public sentiment, and push territorial or ideological agendas. To enhance accuracy and pattern recognition, artificial intelligence (AI) techniques were employed in the analysis phase. These tools helped reveal recurring behavioral and geopolitical patterns that may otherwise remain unnoticed. The study emphasizes the importance of identifying these dynamics early to prevent future international crises.

The complexity of global order is often obscured by the oversimplified representations of international relations, illustrated through political maps. These maps, while seemingly objective, are subjective projections that reflect the ideology of their creators and fail to capture the nuanced dynamics of power and control among states. Such a misrepresentation contributes to a distorted understanding of global dynamics. Meanwhile, the origins of political geography can be traced back to the 18th century, particularly with the establishment of the first school of political geography in Saint-Petersburg, Russia, between 1720 and 1750. Political geography, however, is not entirely homogenic; it encompasses several competing theories regarding the perception of space. It has developed gradually with the changes in perception of space: as an absolute, relative and cognitive space respectively. Recognizing the complexity and evolutionary features of a political map and political geography as whole thus appears to be crucial for understanding global politics.