مطالب

A number of candidates in the Kor River Basin, Fars, Iran, have previously been proposed for the location of the ancient Raxā/Rakkan a town mentioned in the Bisotūn Inscription and in the Persepolis Fortification Tablets. None of these suggestions, however, is convincing. Based on textual evidence, archaeological observations, and the local environmental conditions, the present study suggests that ancient Rakkan should be identified with the archaeological site of Kal Abdi in the southern part of the Baizā Plain. 

This study aims to analyze the effect of green policies on employees' eco-initiatives with the mediating role of environmental concerns and effective commitment to the organization. This study is applied in purpose and uses descriptive and survey methods. The statistical population consisted of 350 employees of environmental organizations in Semnan province. According to Cochran's formula, a sample of 189 individuals was determined using convenience sampling. The data was analyzed using SPSS 16 and Smart PLS-2 software, employing the structural equation modeling approach with the partial least squares method. The results suggest that content validity was assessed through an expert panel, while reliability was evaluated and confirmed using Cronbach's alpha coefficient method and composite reliability. The results indicate that green policies have a positive and significant effect on environmental concerns, effective commitment to the organization, and employees' eco-initiatives. Additionally, environmental concerns have a positive and significant effect on the effective commitment to the organization and employees' eco-initiatives. Moreover, environmental concerns and effective commitment to the organization do not mediate the relationship between green policies and employees' eco-initiatives. Therefore, it is suggested that managers of environmental organizations pay adequate attention to being green in formulating organizational policies so that they can create more commitment and responsibility in employees and thus produce more initiatives in the environmental field.

Since the emphasis of the studies has shifted from a teacher-centered approach to a learner-centered one, researchers have discovered the significance of variables originating inside learners during the learning process. The present study was an attempt to focus on self-efficacy and strategy use as two learners’ variables. The purpose of this study was to investigate whether there is any relationship between EFL learners’ self-efficacy, strategy use, and grammar performance. In addition, it aimed to find out whether there is any difference between high self-efficacious learners and low self-efficacious learners in strategy use and grammar performance. To conduct the study, a non-experimental correlational design was used and thirty-five participants consisting of males and females studying English language teaching were selected randomly out of all the sophomores. Two questionnaires and a test were the main instruments in gathering data. Based on the results of the questionnaire, they were divided into two groups of high and low by using a normal distribution curve. As a result of running several data analysis tests, the findings of the present study revealed a significant relationship between EFL learners’ self-efficacy, strategy use, and their performance on a grammar test. Furthermore, it was illustrated that high self-efficacious learners performed better than low self-efficacious ones on the grammar test and grammar strategy use questionnaire.

This research paper delved into the critical issue of applying English as a Lingua Franca (ELF) assessment principles in local English language tests used for non-native English speakers in Iranian language institutes. A qualitative content analysis was made on 60 local tests, dissecting them into domains, dimensions, and rating rubrics to scrutinize their alignment with ELF assessment principles. The study unveiled that despite some alignment with ELF assessment principles, key aspects like local communicative context, intercultural competence, and linguistic diversity are often overlooked. In particular, writing and reading tests failed to fully reflect these principles, and listening and speaking assessments showed biases towards native English varieties. The study provides crucial insights for test developers to foster a more nuanced and accurate assessment of non-native English speakers' abilities. Moreover, it highlights the need to embed ELF principles into test construction, argues for broader assessment scopes and a focus on locally relevant tasks, and contributes to more equitable and contextually relevant English language proficiency tests by emphasizing linguistic diversity in assessment frameworks.

Background and Theoretical Foundations:  Moscow believes that the West's approach to Ukraine is carried out with two methods of expanding the European Union, known as the Eastern Partnership Program and encouraging Ukraine to join NATO. Therefore, the Russians believe that if Kyiv joins the European Union, other countries of the former Soviet Union will gradually leave the Kremlin's sphere of influence. Ukraine joining the European Union will not only border Russia with NATO, but will also reduce Russia's influence. In this regard, Moscow wants a pro-Russian government in Ukraine and therefore will not tolerate a pro-Western country that is a member of NATO. Methodology: The research method is descriptive-analytical, which was collected and conducted through the study of library documents. Result: The research hypothesis can be proposed in this way that the interaction between Iran and Russia, taking into account measures such as the permanent and official presence of Iran in the ports of the Mediterranean Sea and the Black Sea, greater convergence between Tehran and Moscow in solving the legal consensus of the Caspian Sea, the maximum benefit of the route of the Caspian Sea in the transit of goods in the North-South corridor can be realized. With the experiences they had learned from the past, this time the Russians came to the field with a more aggressive model against the actions of the West and NATO, and with military intervention and a show of power, they are trying to change the geopolitical game in their favor. Western reaction against this action caused increased pressure and intensified sanctions against Russia. Russia seeks to play an effective role in global equations and to improve its position in the international system and economic growth while expanding its sphere of influence. In this regard, it needs organizational and political cohesion for its benefit and in line with its defended values at the regional and global level. Nevertheless, the war between Russia and Ukraine can highlight Iran's status as a regional power. Conclusion: In the interaction of the balance of power in the relations between the great powers following the Russian military attack on Ukraine, creating a buffer zone between Russia and NATO can contain opportunities and threats for the countries of the region, especially the Islamic Republic of Iran and its foreign policy. Therefore, Iran, as an intermediate power in the world, should pursue a policy based on a positive balance, seeking to make the most of the current gap created in the relations between Russia and the West, for its interests and national security. On the other hand, because the Russians are self-interested and have a realistic and pragmatic policy, they consider an independent and powerful Iran a geopolitical supplement to developing their influence and future. The cooperation between Tehran and Moscow in the last two decades has been going on in various dimensions, despite some inadequacies, and has continued, especially much more so in the fields of security and defense. The secret of Russia's renewed emphasis on naval power is that this country is seeking to gain its share of power in the international system. In the meantime, countries like Iran, which have an important position in the relations between Russia and the West, are affected by international competition, whether they like it or not. In the meantime, Iran can catch the opportune chances that are present in naval strategy and operationalize its natural potential. Operationalization of the opportunities can be realized for Tehran by formulating maritime strategy solutions and bilateral interaction with Moscow. Therefore, it is clear that the Islamic Republic of Iran with interaction and agreement with Russia and the permanent and official presence of the Iranian naval fleet in the sea ports Mediterranean Sea and Black Sea ports, and also by more convergence with Russia in solving the legal consensus of the Caspian Sea, can increase the development of its maritime transit cooperation. The sale of Russian oil and gas through the Caspian Sea, the maximum benefit of the Caspian Sea route in the transit of goods in the North-South Corridor, can also be another achievement of Iran in using the opportunity of the confrontation between Russia and Ukraine in this region

Neighborhood policy can be explained by various strategies throughout different eras and actors, important states like China, the European Union (commonly referred to as "neighborhood policy"), Turkey with its "zero tension with neighbors" approach, India under the "Neighborhood First" policy, and Iran, which has developed its own "Neighborhood Policy." Essentially, neighborhood policy is defined as a strategy that prioritizes relationships with neighboring countries within a nation’s foreign policy framework. This article seeks to address a key question: Is Iran's implementation of its neighborhood policy a strategic choice or a short-term necessity stemming from specific challenges, such as sanctions? The hypothesis of this research posits that Iran's adoption of this policy is primarily a functional necessity in response to pressing foreign policy issues. However, it also suggests that this policy could evolve into a long-term strategic framework if it expands into other areas.

The Middle East has been a region marked by profound transformations, consistently hindering the prospects for a sustainable peace that can symbolize the inclusive participation of various groups in power. Both the United States and Iran have shown a keen interest in this region, especially Iraq. Consequently, both countries have endeavored to establish influence in Iraq. Twenty years after the fall of Saddam Hussein, a suitable opportunity presents itself to evaluate state-building strategies in Iraq. Post-Saddam Iraq has been a stage for various actors involved in the state-building project. This article aims to conduct a comparative scientific evaluation of the strategies employed by Iran and the United States. The central question addressed in this study is how Iran and the United States have approached state-building in post-Saddam Iraq and what outcomes have ensued from their respective actions. Employing a descriptive-analytical methodology, the findings of this study reveal that the United States, disregarding the complexities of Iraqi society and leveraging military force, has pursued a top-down or waterfall approach to state-building, resulting in unforeseen consequences. In contrast, the Islamic Republic of Iran, with a thorough understanding of Iraqi society and strong ties to Shia groups, has successfully implemented a more effective bottom-up or base-diffusion model of state-building. Ultimately, the outcomes of Iran's and the United States' state-building efforts in Iraq are comparatively assessed.