درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

Iraq is a prominent identity crisis example. Ethnic and religious multiplicity have caused political and social conflicting divisions. Shiites, Kurds, and Sunnis are the main group players. Kurdish and Arab are ethnic, Shiite and Sunni are religious groups. Islamic Revolution made fundamental changes in Iran’s foreign policy orientation. In Iraq simultaneously, Saddam took power. Different ethnicities and identities had no expressing opportunity. US invasion and Ba''athist overthrow brought Iraq into a new and unstable phase, and various groups and ethnicities expressed their conflicting political and social identity goals and demands. Regional countries particularly Iran have expanded their influence in Iraq by changing the foreign policy orientation, to prevent others from increasing their effect. This study is to analyze and investigate identity crisis impact in Iraq on Iran’s foreign policy orientation emphasizing post-Saddam era (2003-2020) applying Constructivism Theory. The descriptive-analytical method and library resources used in collecting data and information.

Yemen crisis is a political and security one, in which besides domestic actors, regional and transregional actors also play some various roles in this process, based on their own national strategies and interests. Therefore, recognizing effective actors in the conflict, their actions and preferences is the most important factor to determining and finding some ways to settle the conflict. The question is, what will be the future of the Yemeni crisis? Graph model analysis indicated that Saudi Arabia and Ansar Allah will accept ceasefire and negotiate, while the war may also be continued, but it will not be the most likely effect and if UN Security Council has a more active role in establishing a ceasefire and creating a peaceful state, the actors for this conflict can reach a political and peaceful solution to settle the conflict.So, the purpose of this article is to show by descriptive-analytical method that by modeling conflicts and using graph model, constructive solutions can be discovered for them and the state of equilibrium in crisis can be suggested to its actors.

Central Asian and Caucasian countries are among the countries that have faced numerous ups and downs in the process of nation-building, and they are currently facing various challenges, particularly in the geopolitical arena. Since nation-building is a process greatly influenced by a country's historical roots and events, Central Asian and Caucasian countries have unique coordinates despite sharing a part of history. This article examines the nation-building process in Central Asian and Caucasian countries through a comparative approach. It focuses on the practical geopolitical challenges of nation-building in these two regions. The study findings indicate that Due to differences in the social context, historical processes, and geopolitical features, Central Asia and the Caucasus countries have gone through two different patterns of nation formation. In particular, Central Asian countries face significant geopolitical challenges during this process. 

Humanitarian intervention is a controversial issue in international relations and it is imperative for policy makers to understand its nature and complexities. This article seeks to explain France’s humanitarian actions during the Rwandan genocide in 1994 and how they were used to protect its strategic interests in Africa and Rwanda. Retrospectively analyzing the actions of France during the Rwandan genocide would provide invaluable insights on how powerful states advance their selfish national interests under the guise of humanitarianism. France’s military intervention in Rwanda represented the attempt to weave its strategic interests with its duty under international law to respond in cases of genocide and serious violations of human rights. The descriptive analysis method is used to build the arguments of this article and the conclusion reveals that France’s actions of leading the humanitarian intervention during the Rwandan genocide were not manifestations of a benevolent foreign policy but the pursuit of its selfish goals.

A greater size of government spending, may be less efficient. This is contradicting with Malaysian practice because the current Malaysian fiscal policy has allocated a huge budget from the lowest income of individuals to the highest international trade with the aims of reducing the economic implications caused by the outbreak of COVID-19. This paper embarks on three objectives. First, to provide an overview of fiscal policy. Second, to investigate the impacts of COVID-19; and third, reveals the actions taken by the Malaysian Government to implement the recovery policy. This paper adopts an integrative literature review and published reports relating to fiscal policy and COVID-19. The findings show the consolidated efforts of Malaysian Government towards the current fiscal policy in stabilizing the economic impact after the Movement Control Order. This paper could be a prudent guideline for other countries to strategize their fiscal policies in steering the macro and socioeconomic development.

Many scholars believe that the city is a social innovation whose size, location, and internal organization are in terms of "power"; And many changes in the structure and role-playing of the city are due to the mobility of "citizens". The shape and appearance of the city, like the country, represents the pressure from the bottom up. Therefore, urban space processes have very low effects on the whole of politics, especially political development Competitiveness is one of the important issues that has been emphasized in urban literature in recent years and in this regard, different perspectives on the determinants of competitiveness have been presented. As a geographical phenomenon, the city has an effective role in power games and constitutes the most important spatial level of stress, action and competition in the present age. The present fundamental research with descriptive-analytical method express the fact that the necessary fields for their geopolitical study have been provided by creating a competitive environment and promoting the domestic and international competitiveness level of metropolises. Hence, an urban-scale geopolitics has made cities important actors in different geographical areas. The results of this study show that there is a relationship between the effectiveness of the roles of a place and the geographical area with its "power". That is, as the roles have more extensive and in other words the broader function, the power of geographic location increases, like global cities. Indeed, the phenomenon of the city is studied and investigated in various dimensions, with emphasis on the central elements of politics, power and competition.

Although the goal of all regional organizations is to strengthen cooperation between member states, in some cases there are apparent or hidden rivalries in minor or major levels, which sometimes leads to stagnation and inefficiency of the regional organization and hinders effective cooperation. The need for cooperation in South West Asia to benefit all developing countries in the region became the main driver for the foundation of the Economic Cooperation Organisation (ECO) in 1985. This study aimed to identify the areas of rivalries among the member states of this organization resulting lack of cooperation and success, from a political geography and geopolitics point of view. Contexts of rivalries classified into four political, economic, cultural, and geopolitical factors containing eighteen sub-variables. The results showed geopolitical, political, cultural factors, and economic factors respectively have a positive and significant effect on rivalries in ECO

China’s increasing power as one of the most important revisionist powers has received different reactions from its neighbors and the dominant powers of the international system. In fact, China as a rising and revisionist power challenges the regional and hegemonic order. In such a situation, the deterrent actions exerted by the United States, as a hegemon of international system, seems to be natural. The present research is an attempt to study China’s reactions to foreign threats from the perspective of theories of International Politics and Foreign Policy Analysis. The paper enjoys a descriptive-analytical design with the application of the theory on the case. The data collection was made through the study of existing literature and virtual data. The findings of this study show that China's reaction to existing or potential threats can carry very different interpretations and analytical results from the perspective of different theoretical perspectives.

In the burst of sophisticated platforms, it reached its peak where people worship and preach their rights of freedom of speech.  We witnessed a subsequent arose issue where people questioned the imposed restrictions on them in the realm of social media platforms by the authority. Nonetheless, the merely conferred freedom of speech will bring public disharmony. It was because people are exposed to and choose to be permeated by personal media applications. Thus, via the platforms, people are inclined to voice, issue and navigate their statements based on feelings, thoughts, and opinions without contemplating the effects and rationale of it. Normally, the statement is controversial while dripping at the edge of the sensitive topic while creating social disharmony and triggering social bonding. Thus, principle of Social Contract was brought in order to justify the restrictions imposed by the authority. At the same time, people used Social Contract as a defense to uphold their rights. Nevertheless, it may lead to numerous problems with the absence of restrictions. Besides, Twitter, Facebook, LinkedIn, Instagram and etc. were the examples of personal media platforms the writer referred to. Thus, the thrust of the paper is to examine to what extent the government may impose restrictions on their citizens via personal media platforms in relation to Social Contracts and the right of freedom of speech. Thus, the writers will conduct the paper through a qualitative approach which is a pure literature review. The gist of limitation is where the personal media platform would be focused, and restrictions referred to which were imposed by the governmental authorities instead of the personal media administrator. The The paper suggests that, notwithstanding the conventional Social Contract theory, the writers argued that the restrictions shall be imposed on personal media users.