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In this trilogy "Homo Sacer", "State of Exception" and "What remains of Auschwitz", Giorgio Agamben analyzes important aspects of the human condition and human rights concepts over the centuries. Through an internationalist perspective, and based on the concepts brought about by Agamben’s Homo Sacer, this paper argues that the State of exception is constantly in force, alongside the universality of human rights – thus the coexistence of the universality of the exception and the universality of human rights, not ignoring the debates on universalism versus relativism, and the hazard of imposing a ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach to every situation. Furthermore, this research explores the denial of the otherness as a means to justify mass atrocities grounded on speeches and policies that reject any kind of diversity. Additionally, taking into consideration the boundaries between the human and the Homo Sacer, this study questions the possibility of an international vindication of human rights, and the legitimacy of external interference in States that are lenient towards violations of human rights. This analysis will be guided by the concept of jus cogens and the role of the International Criminal Court as an alleged mechanism of deterrence of further abuses and reinforcement of International Human Rights Law.

In a previous article, Stakeholder Theory and the Logic of Value Concepts: Challenges for Contemporary International Law, published in International Studies Journal (ISJ) in2011, the authors outlined the general premises for stakeholder theory applications and international human rights law. However, the challenges that pertain to economic/social rights were not addressed in detail. In this article, therefore, the authors provide a comparative analysis of narrow (or classical) versus broad (or modern)stakeholder theory with a specific view to determining the status of basic economic/social rights in the context of international human rights law. Narrow stakeholder theory is illustrated by Milton Friedman’s framework, whereas the main ideasand thoughts that define the broad alternative are derived from the work of R. Edward Freeman. While the authors primarily endeavor to outlinethe single most crucial premises and implications of application, they are also hoping to inspire discussion about future developments, especially since it could be argued that the stakeholder theory that has the best fit with United Nations norms and strategies may be conducive to a business as usual conclusion.

The current situation in the Middle Eastern states thatare dealing with reconciliation and transition process is not going well. The research of the author for about four years in Yemen, Libya, and Tunisia is full of first-hand information and knowledge gained through direct interviews with national figures who are with or against revolutionaries. Combining original experience through interviews with richinput of literature gained by secondary research has turned thisbook into an invaluable source to study and delve into the incomplete Arab uprisings and the reason behind them. Hence, this kind of comparative analysis gives a decent and invaluable literature to those scholars who incline to study the transitional process in the Middle East following the fact that it is based on the field study and includes first-hand experience along with face to face interviews. In other words, such an analysis could be meritorious for decision makers of any states and actors involved in transitional process to learn from the points made about these three Arab states.

Tous les efforts internationaux dans les domaines économiques visent à augmenter les différents niveaux de bien-être public à l’échelle mondiale. Aujourd’hui, les réunions formelles et informelles des organisations nationales et internationales présentent la question du développement, notamment économique, comme le problème mondial principal. De cette façon, ils entendent éradiquer la pauvreté et éliminer les inégalités. Dans une telle perspective, nous présenterons premièrement diverses interprétations sur l’interaction entre l’économie et les droits fondamentaux. Nous avons étudié Gabriel Tarde et Frédéric Lebaron. Tarde comparait les relations socio-économiques aux relations entre la mère et son enfant : il nomme cela l’harmonie sociale. Lebaron ajoute qu’elle est renforcée pendant le XIXe siècle dans les ordres symboliques marchands. Enfin, en définissant des indices des trois générations des droits de l’Homme, nous avons comparé les indicateurs économiques dans les trois pays étudiés pour atteindre un modèle de comparaison économique. A cet égard, nous les avons défini sur la base des rapports de la Banque Mondiale (BM) et de l’Organisation Mondiale du Commerce (OMC). Les données statistiques ont été analysées par l’application de SPSS. Les résultats nous montrent le niveau de relation existant entre l’économie sociale et diverses facettes des droits de l’homme dans l’ordre des trois générations des droits de l’homme.

Human rights reflect a natural order from which fundamental freedoms flow. The exercise of human rights reflects this order and these freedoms.  These are the key principles which inspired the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights. International practice, however, shows that, while the importance of human rights is almost universally recognized, in practice the exercise of individual rights is subjected to numerous constraints.  In spite of substantial amounts of legislation enacted around the world to promote and protect human rights, the rise of nationalism and the return of identity politics generate discrimination and hamper dialogue. Increasing constraints imposed by governments on the freedom of the media are an additional obstacle to the fight against injustice.  The international community, however, is not doing enough to tackle this fundamental problem.  The United Nations remain the bedrock of any effort to foster security, stability and prosperity with full respect for human dignity and human rights.  The principle of humanitarian intervention should be further explored with an open mind, since it may provide a key towards more effective policies aimed at addressing serious violations of international humanitarian laws, including genocide, war crimes or crimes against humanity.  Yet, the members of the United Nations are unable and unwilling to reform and modernize its institutions and procedures, beginning with the Security Council, an outdated symbol of power politics inherited from the last century.  Similarly, the effectiveness of the Human Rights Council should be enhanced. The issue of the presence within this Council of States whose democratic credentials are questionable and which appear openly disrespectful towards human rights should be better leveraged to promote human rights standards, to avoid weakening the credibility of the action of this institution.  As human rights cover the whole spectrum of human activities, a special thought should be given to women’s rights, which in many of our countries have been to varying degrees disregarded for centuries.  Important steps have taken place in recent years, especially following the adoption in 1979 of the UN Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women.  A stronger legal basis for all these steps, however, must be ensured to provide the international community with a more effective and efficient tool to address serious cases of discrimination and promote concrete steps toward a real recognition of the equal role that women do play in every aspect of everyday life.