درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

Topic and Significance of the Discussion: The Islamic Republic of Iran boasts 190,000 square kilometers of maritime territory and over 5,800 kilometers of coastline, with approximately 40% of its borders being maritime. A crucial element in the realm of marine defense diplomacy is the enhancement of maritime defense capabilities, which includes extending the presence of naval fleets beyond territorial waters and into international waters. Consequently, the Supreme Leader has consistently emphasized the importance of leveraging maritime resources and strengthening naval forces. The central research question is: What are the regional and transregional security policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the maritime domain, and what achievements have been realized in pursuit of maritime-oriented development? Results: The regional and transregional security policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran can be demonstrated through the enhancement of its strategic naval force, which consists of both the Navy and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps Navy, each playing a complementary role. This policy yields several key outcomes: it allows for the display of the Islamic Republic of Iran's flag in distant waters, ensures the security of Iranian commercial ships and oil tankers to promote sustainable international maritime security, and safeguards Iran's interests in strategically important waters. Additionally, it showcases the naval force's capability to operate wherever the nation's interests dictate. The policy also aims to send messages of peace and friendship globally while countering narratives of Iranophobia. It enhances combat capabilities, broadens the operational reach of naval units, and evaluates Iran's readiness and self-sufficiency in the realms of science and technology. The policy maintains a presence in targeted waters despite facing comprehensive economic and military sanctions and allows for the acquisition of valuable experiences in navigation and international maritime law by traversing critical, heavily trafficked international straits and waterways. Furthermore, it facilitates the collection of intelligence regarding the combat readiness and deployment status of transregional forces, broadens the scope of Iran's diplomatic efforts, and establishes security to promote trade in both regional and international contexts. This, in turn, fosters economic activity and supports maritime-oriented development.

Gender gap is considered as an indicator to measure the level of inequality between women and men in a society. To measure the gender gap, four global indicators of economic participa-tion opportunities, access to educational facilities, health and survival, and opportunities for women's political empowerment are used. In any country, policies and planning structures have a great impact on reducing or increasing the gender gap due to the distribution of re-sources and the allocation of facilities. One of the basic sources for policy making is develop-ment plans. In Iran, after the Islamic revolution, six five-year development programs have been implemented so far, in all of which policies in the field of women have been formulated and implemented. The purpose of the current research is to investigate the issue of gender gap in the sixth development plan of the Islamic Republic of Iran based on the above four indica-tors. In this regard, the question is: What is the gender gap in the 6th development program regarding indicators of economic participation, access to educational facilities, health and sur-vival and political empowerment of women? Considering the very poor ranking of Iran in the reports of international institutions regarding the gender gap, it is hypothesized that there is a deep gender gap regarding relevant global indicators, especially regarding women's political empowerment in the 6th Development program. This hypothesis is investigated by thematic analysis method.

This research presents a comparative analysis regarding the influence of religion as a key component of national identity on behavioral patterns in Iran's foreign policy across two distinct periods: that of Pahlavi II and the Islamic Republic. The significance of examining religion arises from its impact on national interest formulation within constructivist frameworks, where identity constructs play a pivotal role. The primary objective of this study is to elucidate how recognizing religion's position as an identity factor can enhance our understanding of behavioral patterns in Iran's foreign policy. Addressing the inquiry into religion's influence on these patterns during both eras, this paper posits that while religion was one of many influential factors in Pahlavi II's foreign policy landscape, it did not substantially integrate into national identity or affect foreign policy decisions at that time. Conversely, within the Islamic Republic framework, religion emerges as a fundamental ideology and an independent variable that shapes foreign policy behavior. The research findings ultimately reveal that during Pahlavi II’s era, national interests were defined through the lens of modern state identity, whereas Shia ideology became central to shaping foreign policy identity in the Islamic Republic. Consequently, religion has demonstrated a significant direct impact on behavioral patterns within this political context.

Following Russia's invasion of Ukraine and the ensuing war, Russia lost a significant portion of its gas market in Europe. This market had been a crucial tool for bargaining and exerting pres-sure on the West, and it also brought substantial economic benefits to Moscow. This was espe-cially true for gas exports to Germany, which had seen the construction of the Nord Stream pipe-line, with plans for Nord Stream 2 also underway before the war began, leading to the halting of both projects. Consequently, energy relations between Russia and Europe deteriorated. Following the Ukraine war, Europe was compelled to secure its gas supply from the United States, despite incurring significantly higher costs. Currently, the U.S. is the largest supplier of gas to Europe. This process led Russia to seek alternative markets for its gas exports. China and India, two ma-jor global consumers, are markets Russia is eager to capture. Currently, Russia is China's largest supplier of gas. Although a large gas pipeline already delivers Russian gas to China, Moscow isn't content with this alone and aims to diversify its methods of product delivery. Iran is a cru-cial option for Russia to transport gas, as it is close to India and can also meet some of China's needs. Furthermore, Russia is considering physically connecting its economic interests with the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf, particularly the UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia. Rus-sia believes that by doing so, it can establish a major gas economic bloc and become a counter-weight to competitors, especially the United States. From this perspective, it could be argued that the Iran-Russia gas pipeline is, in fact, a replacement for Nord Stream and could transform Iran into a regional energy hub. This article aims to explore the possibility of Iran becoming a region-al energy hub through economic cooperation with Russia in the energy sector, thoroughly exam-ining the opportunities and challenges involved. The research method employed was SWOT analysis.