درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

Space has increasingly shaped the discourse of international relations in the 21st century. Space has always been an attractive area for cooperation and competition between governments and especially great powers. Space is a relatively new and developing scene in the international system. The launch of Sputnik not only created the space race, but also accelerated the arms race and intensified the Cold War between the two rival superpowers. During the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union dominated space activities. At the same time as the competition that has formed in space, there are sometimes collaborations, the International Space Station is one of the projects that brings together space countries and is seen as a symbol of cooperation between governments in space. However, there is still a sense of competition for supremacy in space even in the presence of such cooperation among all governments, whether those who are superior in terms of space technology or those who have less technological ability. The main question in this article is what role does space play in cooperation and competition between great powers? The hypothesis is that the great powers were always competing and seeking superiority in space from the beginning, and based on the theory of neo-realism, they cooperate with each other in space only to secure their interests and protect their space assets.

The Strategic Plan for the Management of Social Transformations (MOST) is a mid-term framework introduced by UNESCO in 2016, aiming to guide member countries in addressing social development issues aligned with the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals. This article employs a qualitative content analysis to identify the social issues highlighted in the MOST program, extract the proposed solutions, and critically evaluate the program. The central research question explores what social issues and solutions are presented in the MOST strategic plan and what criticisms arise from these proposals. The hypothesis suggests that the program adopts a positivist approach, treating the world as an object to be shaped by predetermined goals through strategic planning, which generates societal problems. The influence of globalization, cultural hegemony, and a drive for global unification through education and culture to facilitate world management and coordination is evident. The study analyzes the policymaking cycle within the program, including agenda-setting, operational mechanisms, policy support, and capacity building for implementation and evaluation. Key social issues covered in the program include women's and girls' rights, poverty eradication, governance, peace, urbanization, environmental challenges, migration, gender equality, digital technologies, and growing inequalities. The conclusion reinforces that the MOST program reflects a positivist stance, aiming for societal transformation based on globalized ideals of control and coordination, reinforcing the hegemonic role of education and culture.

Public policy-making is a six-stage cycle, and the implementation of policies is one of the most sensitive stages of its formulation, failure in this stage leads to the failure of the entire policy-making process. Also, policy-making includes an interactive process between setting goals and necessary actions to realize them, which may be disrupted by many challenges, obstacles, and limitations. In this research, the goal was Pathology of implementation of rural development policies in the fourth and fifth development plans. This research is applied in terms of its purpose and descriptive and survey based on the nature of the data. The results of the research are presented in two qualitative and quantitative sections. In the main and qualitative part of the research, using the Delphi technique, we investigated the damage of rural development in the fourth and fifth programs. At first, using the opinions of experts, the gap between the existing state of rural development and the ideal state was determined, and based on the opinions of experts and the T-Tech test, it was determined that there is a fundamental difference between the current state and the ideal state. and in the current situation in the indicators of employment status, housing, medical and treatment facilities, digital infrastructure, transportation and communication route, industrial agriculture, welfare and recreation, cultural-educational, tourism and underground water the average quality was low. Therefore, the necessity of carrying out the pathology of the implementation of rural development policies became clearer. Then, based on the theoretical background of the research, as well as interviewing and completing the questionnaire by specialists and research elites, the indicators of developmental pathology were compiled, and finally, the final model of the questionnaire was compiled, and the quantitative results of the questionnaire were extracted based on the answers of the participants in the research. In the quantitative analysis and chi square test results, it was shown that the role of policy indicators, juridical and legal obstacles, political, social and economic factors, motivations and attitudes of executives, administrative system and bureaucracy, are insufficient and inappropriate. The lack of tools is significant in the absence of rural development.

Iraqi Kurdistan has adopted an independent foreign policy from the Iraqi central government in the past two decades; This foreign policy is based on a different model and strategy that aims at independence. In this regard, considering the importance and determinant nature of Iran’s regional policy in the face of regional developments such as the disintegration of neighboring countries along with Tehran’s position on the independence of Iraqi Kurdistan, Erbil is leveraging a strategic model of balance of threat towards the confrontation between Tehran and Tel Aviv. Accordingly, the present study seeks to explain why and how this strategy is adopted by the Iraqi Kurdistan towards the confrontation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Zionist regime. Therefore, the main question is "what is the rationale for Iraqi Kurdistan to understand Iranian threat?" The hypothesis is that due to its historical components, different organizational and social identities, differences in power levels and personal factors (mindsets of the leaders), The Iraqi Kurdistan sees the Islamic Republic of Iran as an obstacle in the way of realization of the its independence. Therefore, Iraqi Kurdistan in the Zionism-Iranian confrontation pursues a unique strategy based on the balance of threat. This essay is an analytical-explanatory study that has been done through using a combination of theoretical frameworks of balance of threat and constructivism. Furthermore, the research method in this essay is based on trend analysis.

This article examines the evolution of Iran’s foreign policy in response to both regional and global shifts. It explores how Iranian Neighbourhood Policy, initially focused on countering the perceived threat from the Arab-Israeli axis and preventing the realization of the “Deal of the Century” plan, has been impacted by recent geopolitical developments. These include the 2023 Israel-Hamas War, the normalization talks between Israel and Saudi Arabia, and broader shifts towards a multipolar world order. The article argues that while Iran's policy aimed to economically integrate with neighboring countries, including Saudi Arabia, to counterbalance growing Israeli influence, the recent war has altered the regional dynamics. Khataei suggests that the roots of Iranian Neighbourhood Policy might need to shift from a focus on insecurity and anti-Israeli cooperation towards a broader civilizational approach, seeking regional hegemony through cultural and economic influence. Furthermore, the article highlights the role of external factors, such as Iran’s integration into Asian economies, particularly with Russia and China, as vital to the future of its foreign policy strategy. The article calls for a reassessment of Iranian goals in light of these developments, emphasizing the importance of adapting to the new geopolitical landscape.

Iran is a country that is currently facing severe sanctions and criticism from international institutions regarding gender equality.  One important aspect of measuring gender equality is the allocation of funds for women in annual budget laws, which may be impacted by these sanctions. Therefore, this article aims to explore the relationship between women's budgets and international sanctions.  The study focuses on budget laws and international sanctions from 2009 to 2024, divided into two parts.  The first part examines the allocation of funds for women in the absence of gender budgeting while also considering factors such as annual inflation. This statement could assist in evaluating the level of gender equality to a certain degree.  The second part analyzes the relationship between each section of the women's budget and international sanctions. The findings reveal that despite the challenges posed by sanctions, the government has made significant efforts to maintain gender equality in budget laws.