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The attempts will be made to compare and analyze the provisions and clauses of the different charter parties, demonstrate and disclose some of the disputable problems in the standpoint of views of the parties connected to the charter party, which have been existed and encountered during the performance and operation of the contract of affreightment, inter alia, the voyage charter party forms, the incorporated provisions and rider clauses. In this part of the research topic, the utmost attempt has been made to go to the root of the encountered difficulties and disputes. There has been thought of a need for reconsideration and reconciliation of the interpretation of the clauses which appeared to be assumed to lack of global uniformity. The parties to the charter party are the ship-owner and the charterer to whom, inter alia, the obligations, rights, liabilities, and risks are allocated, whereas, the review of the important aspects of the voyage charter party will be considered in due course in details. This piece of work is going to be based on shipping practices and experience of my own sea service and handling of maritime arbitration cases and consultancy for the disputed and claimed cases.

Localization of sustainable development goals could reasonably provide a framework to how local and regional governments meet their requirements in respective jurisdictions. Due to the importance of the environment protection in the process of the “sustainable development”, it is crucial for the states to include sustainable development goals in their regulations, laws and policies. In this perspective, presenting new approaches is utterly requested to protect the maritime environment of the Persian Gulf from destruction and degradation. Undoubtedly, there are a number of challenges and obstacles regarding the localization of SDGs in this region that the present paper will examine the strategies for addressing them. In fact, if environmental rules are internalized as a part of the domestic legal system, they will become more prominent and will be more respected. For this reason, one of the fundamental goals of this paper is to elaborate a suitable methodology to explain and design localized indicators of development sustainability at the regional level of the Persian Gulf. The main goals of sustainable development are to attain durable development in maritime areas in which efforts are made to provide a balance between economy, community and the marine environment.

All various functions of the International Maritime Organization (IMO) can be categorized into two types: legislation and regulation. IMO’s regulatory function includes different processes with various objectives, principles, and mechanisms. This study investigates one of the main IMO regulatory tools, namely, the Mandatory Audit Scheme of its Member States, by studying its objectives, principles, and processes. In general, this regulatory tool has evolved in the historical course of its formation, transforming from a self-reporting tool to a voluntary and then a mandatory one. The Mandatory audit process is also performed based on specific principles. Accordingly, each flag, coastal, and port state has unique responsibilities in addition to their general duties. Overall, the tool contributes to enhancing accountability of IMO Member States regarding their obligations under IMO Conventions. Moreover, it helps the governments identify problems regarding law enforcement as well as applicable maritime safety and environmental standards, including issues that have helped IMO develop its capacity to meet its objectives.

India is home to a remarkable variety of religions, and a major challenge that the country faces today is that of conflict between various religious communities. This has taken on menacing forms in recent decades. Incidents of violence between Hindus and Muslims, in which often agencies of the state play a central role in directing anti-Muslim violence, have now become endemic in some parts of the country. This form of communal violence, generally instigated by right-wing Hindu forces, is sought to be given religious sanction and is also projected as a crusade to save the Indian “nation”, which is described and portrayed in Hindu terms. Communal violence and anti-Muslim pogroms in various parts of the country have resulted in mounting human rights violations, particularly of marginalised communities such as the country’s Muslims, who number more than 150 million.

The world witnessed a change in the arrangement of international actors after the Second World War and the rise of international organizations in the international landscape. The International Maritime Organization (IMO) was one of these entities, acting as the UN specialized agency in maritime affairs. This study mainly aims at reviewing the regulatory role of the IMO, particularly the Port State Control (PSC) regime, by addressing its concept, as well as the legal basis and the control procedures. This mainly descriptive–inductive study describes and analyzes the legal bases of the PSC. Generally, IMO is identified with two types of functions: legislation and regulation. IMO’s regulatory function is reflected in two main tools, namely, the Audit Scheme of its Member States and Port State Control (PSC). With its supplementary nature, PSC is in fact an efficient maritime system for the safety and protection of the marine environment, encouraging states to watch for the safety of ships other than those flying their flags, especially those visiting their ports. This control system has led to an effective and efficient implementation of IMO rules and regulations.

Naval mining technology is one of the tools that have a dual function. And an effective tool in times of peace and crisis as well as during the war that the eighth convention of The Hague in 1907 has regulated the use of contact mines during the armed naval conflict. Nevertheless, pouring sea mines during peace time is a legal choice for governments in the waters and their territorial sea, and even in their international territories. But, dumping at sea in times of peace and in crisis situations is a danger, and in fact, in each of the maritime territories, it is in contrast to freedom and the right to transit, as well as peaceful freedom of movement, which is extremism and the issue in this regard could be a threat to international peace and security. Nevertheless, new mine technologies can somewhat prevent the risks and the obligations of governments, depending on the type of mine, also vary. Therefore, this paper discusses the legitimacy of the use of sea mine technology in peacetime in the light of developments in the international law of the seas and the opinions of the International Court of Justice. And proves the relationship of this kind of technology to ensure the security of the coastal state and pre-crisis will be timely and valuable; this type of strategy and technology within the framework of legal constraints, international law is justifiable. Research method of this paper is analytical-compilation method and data collection method is library-documentary method.

Ensuring defense and security in the international system of disarmament and arms control is one of the most vital areas at the heart of international policy. Defense and security are so closely intertwined that not only do countries seek to increase their defense and security capabilities in order to ensure their security, but also through which they confront potential and actual threats. Defense and security are very important and basic areas that can create deterrence in the light of which security prevails and the harmful consequences of its absence are prevented. The leaders of any society can play an important role in various matters, especially the country's defense-security strategy. Therefore, since most of the military, defense and security affairs of the Islamic Republic of Iran originate from the ideas of the founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Imam Khomeini; The need for research and study of their ideas in the field of defense and national security is evident. In this article, as necessary, Imam Khomeini's defense-military views and ideas will be discussed, specifically in the field of disarmament and arms control. The main purpose is to answer the basic question: "What was the goal and meaning of Imam Khomeini's approach to disarmament and arms control?" The temporary answer is that Imam Khomeini was thinking about weapons of mass destruction, Disarmamently, and Controling the conventional weapons of arms.

Freedom of religion in the sense of freedom of belief and of religious manifestations; in teaching, practice, worship and observance is one of the basic human rights laid down in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, art. 18. Freedom of religion in this sense is considered to be an important right and to play an important role in keeping up social peace in society. Germany, being a secular state with a historical connection to Christian religion, has anchored this right of religious freedom in is constitution in Article 4.According to Art. 7/3 religious education in state- run schools is accomplished in accordance with the religious communities. This religious education is normally provided for by the Catholic and Protestant Churches, but also by the Jewish community.  There are 3,2 Mio Muslims in Germany , especially from Turkey, but also from the Arab countries and Iran. Most of these Muslims do not plan to return to their native countries and will remain in Germany.They do enjoy freedom of religion in the above-mentioned sense. In my paper I will deal with the question of how religious manifestations of the Muslims in Germany “in teaching, practice, worship and observance “is accomplished. <br />I shall focus on their religious education and endeavor to answer the following questions: What does Islamic education mean in Germany, in a secular state? Who provides for it and how? How does it differ from religious education in Islamic countries? How is it seen by the German society? I will deal with these questions on two levels (1) on the national level and (2) on the local level. On the national level a clear effort of the German state can be seen to integrate the Muslim minority as a religious group into the German state. <br />For this reason the German Minister Wolfgang Schäuble convened in 2006 the so called “Islamkonferenz inviting jurists, scholars of Islamic studies and representatives of the different Muslim communities as well as independent persons to talk about the situation of Muslims in Germany. The unsolved question still is: how the different Islamic groups comprising Muslims from different social, political and religious backgrounds and from different countries as Turkey, Arab states, Iran, Afghanistan with different national Islamic traditions could find a common platform of religious Islamic belief in a secular state. By establishing the Coordinating Council (Koordinierungsrat) of Muslims in Germany in April 2007, some larger Islamic organizations tried to create a common structure for the representation of all Muslims. So far this organization has not been recognized by the German state as the official representative of all Muslims, but the discussions at the “Islamkonferenz” are not yet finished and are still going on. <br />One of the main aims of the Muslim Organizations is to gain the right to give Islamic religious lessons at German state-run schools. Whereas on the national level the integration of Islam as a religion within the secular system is discussed, on the local level religious teaching is currently taking place within different projects in many selected state schools in Germany as well as in local mosques. Religious teaching at mosques will be discussed by taking the example of mosques in Goettingen, a small university town in Central Germany. There are two main mosques in Goettingen: one belonging to the Turkish community (Ditib) and the other being an Arab mosque. <br />I shall sketch the concept of religious education given in this Arab mosque with regard to its content and the way it is taught to the children, whether it corresponds to the classical Islamic education and which concepts, beliefs, rituals and cultic acts are being considered important for children growing up in a completely secular context? <br />Finally, I shall compare this approach at the local level with the efforts made on the national level and discuss how these different efforts are judged by the German society. 

The guiding question of this paper is “How can, if at all, the universality of human rights survive critical examinations within the prevailing multiculturalist frame of reference?” This paper examines the possibility conditions of critically reasoning for the universality of human rights. The discussions in this paper runs at two levels of analysis. At the conceptual level, a theoretical monist-pluralist frame of reference will be developed to reformulate the problematic of the universality of human rights in a form more compatible methodologically with multiculturalist approaches in the humanities, social sciences and current discourses of cultural studies. Demonstrating the weaknesses of the alternative solutions, the main hypothesis of this study suggests to refer to a reconstructed version of the “golden rule of reciprocal fairness.” At the practical level, this paper will set forth three “why”, “which”, and “how” questions regarding those principles which can bolster a universal reception of the human rights as fairness.  

The emerging right to democracy (e.g. Franck, T) within international law favors a liberal, democratic packaging. Yet as Abedolkarim Sourash argues, there has been a conflation of liberalism and democracy, which must be decoupled.  It is from this point of departure that this paper will examine the international legality of militant democracy and interrogate when and how a constitutional democracy can legally act in an anti-democratic manner to combat threats to its democratic existence.  Militant democracy was a term introduced in 1937 by Karl Lowenstein. It refers to a form of constitutional democracy authorized to protect civil and political freedom by pre-emptively restricting its exercise. Lowenstein’s writings, at the time, were concerned with the limitations of democratic institutions in containing fascism. Militant democracies stand in contrast with the principles of legal pluralism, but the extent to which international law authorizes transformative political agendas that seek to implement forms of religious, cultural, or national autonomy is unclear.