درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

The emergence of Non Government Organizations (NGOs) in various fields of life is proof that civil society is essential in building a democratic society. NGOs can educate citizens and communities on their fundamental rights to create a democratic state and world order life. NGOs in Indonesia and Egypt have played a significant role in strengthening democratic movements by empowering civil society. This study examines NGOs’ role in democratization in Indonesia during the reign of President Suharto and Egypt under the leadership of President Hosni Mubarak. In carrying out their functions, NGOs take a stand as a balancing force for the state and agents of community empowerment. The NGOs’ elements struggle in producing an ideal democratic society order in these two countries facing their respective challenges. Some NGOs challenge building democratic society such as military domination, party hegemony systems, and robust state control over society. To encourage democratization in Indonesia and Egypt, NGOs have contributed to building democratic practices, improving democratic performance, strengthening civil rights, monitoring elections, and promoting corruption eradication. The strengthening of democracy by NGOs in Indonesia and Egypt has impacted building political openness, awareness of citizens' political rights, and pro-society public policies.

Scenario writing is especially important in the field of geo-economics because it prepares geopolitical actors to take advantage of continuous international conditions in the best possible way and reduces risks as much as possible. In the meantime, the Islamic Republic of Iran, to shape its geo-economic relations with the countries of the African continent in general and North Africa in particular, as spaces with high capacity and attraction, necessarily needs to know and understand the upcoming scenarios. Therefore, the present research was done with descriptive and analytical methods and based on library and field findings (questionnaire). The findings of the research show that the 8 sources of power geography are "investment opportunity for the private sector", "strong dependence on technical and engineering services", "cheap labour force", "the presence of rich non-metallic minerals", "availability of legal investment platforms". Foreign direct (ease of investment)", "Entrepreneurial development", "wide agricultural capacities" and "Geoeconomic position (sea trade)". respectively, the scores have had the greatest impact on the future of the geo-economic relations between Iran and Africa. The results of the scenario board show the semi-critical and critical situation of the future geo-economic relations between Iran and Africa, which makes it more important to revise the macro strategies and policies in this field. 

The African continent has, to date, been mostly perceived as a “marginalized” geographical or geopolitical foundation and is represented in international relations (IR) so narrowly in the definitions provided by classical geopolitical knowledge or hegemonic knowledge of international relations. Nevertheless, efforts must be made by intellectual and practical elites worldwide for a more realistic representation of the opportunities and potentials of this continent by relying on conceptual-theoretical formulations. To address the main question of the relationship between Africa's geopolitical position and its conceptual and theoretical representation within the discipline of International Relations. The author suggests examining the pathology of conceptual-theoretical formulations in International Relations (IR) and Geopolitics.  this requires a new reading of critical geopolitics drawn on the works of Andrew Linklater, which can provide more basic explanatory ideas with the critique of epistemological foundationalism, state-centrism, narrative-based approach, and nature of the disciplines. This paper is a theoretical research that proposes a new conceptual framework. It adopts an explanatory-critical analytical method to explain the theoretical approach of global critical geopolitics. The results of the paper emphasize that the theories and texts of IR and Geopolitics must be reviewed and reformulated with innovative evaluations centered on the position and role of Africa in the international history of the world. It highlights the importance of considering the distinct lived experiences of the continent which can serve as a basis for developing a methodological, epistemological, and ontological research program for participation in global politics and non-western international relations.

Various infectious diseases have plagued humankind and killed millions throughout history. Crisis management by governments has been crucial in such emergencies. This study aims to examine the method of crisis management caused by epidemics, especially Corona in Iran, and seeks to discover the policies and measures which have been taken by governments to prevent the spread of diseases and treat these diseases since the Qajar period. In this research, which was carried out by historical method and with a descriptive-analytical approach, to collect data, documents related to the subject, identification, study, and required information were extracted and indexed. Findings indicate that the policy-making process has been better and more effective by passing of time. Thus, the minimum programs implemented by the government were not successful for various reasons in the Qajar period, but infectious diseases were mainly controlled due to the compulsion to implement health regulations in the Pahlavi period. Great strides have been made in preventing the spread of infectious diseases after the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. Since the outbreak of corona disease, various measures have been taken to control the disease, which has helped curb public awareness and participation to a large extent, and Iran is now on the verge of producing the corona vaccine and launching it on the market.

This study examines the infrastructural geopolitics of South Asia, with a particular emphasis on port developments and the effects of ports on the geostrategic positioning of South Asian countries. The infrastructure assists in the transportation and movement of goods between different countries. Many nations have invested significant money in developing modern ports that capitalize on globalization. South Asian countries have consistently bolstered their ports to compete with their Western counterparts in commerce. The evolving nature of international relations reveals that ports also play a different purpose in geopolitics. The world's fastest-growing region is suffering from a lack of infrastructure. Due to low intra-regional investment and trade, South Asia has poorer infrastructure than neighboring Southeast Asia. China invested in South Asian countries to achieve its goal of establishing a global trading route in the absence of intra-regional investments and trade in South Asia. Meanwhile India has also invested, for example, in Bangladesh and the Maldives to fortify its position in the Indian Ocean. How valuable are those Chinese investments to South Asian nations? According to the literature, it depends on the country's location and investment policies. China's rise as a revisionist power has drawn differing reactions from its neighbors and the world's dominant powers.

Regionalism and regional integration are among the central doctrines of states to strengthen and develop themselves in the new age. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the power vacuum, Russia sought to rebuild the regional order and reshape the regional geopolitical system in Eurasia. From the beginning of the Vladimir Putin era (1999), Eurasianisism became the focus of Russian foreign policy. The most crucial strategy of Russian Eurasianism became Eurasian Regionalism. After several stages of the regionalism process (Eurasian Economic Community, Single Economic Market, Customs Union), Russia finally succeeded in establishing the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) consisting of Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Armenia, and Kyrgyzstan in early 2015. The EAEU is the most developed institution of regional economic integration among post-Soviet states. The objective of this study is to evaluate Russia’s regionalism policies and explain Russia’s intentions to establish the EAEU in the new era. The research results show that the first priority of Moscow from the establishing of the Eurasian Economic Union is security, political and geopolitical issues. Otherwise, economically, this Union does not have a significant achievement for Russia. The member states of This Union are not an appropriate economic complement to each other.  

Just as the political structure of any country can have a positive or negative impact on the democratization process; The opposition bloc, which includes political parties and currents, civic institutions, etc., has a dual positive and negative impact on this process. In Turkey, the influence of the opposition bloc in the democratization process has been relatively positive for a century. However, in the last two decades, with the rise of the Islamist Justice and Development Party to power, the Turkish opposition bloc has adopted varying approaches to the political structure, which has had a more negative impact on democratization process. The current research has examined the performance of the Republic People's Party as the largest opposition party, focusing on three main approaches of Turkish parties towards the political structure. To this end, a historical institutionalism approach has been adopted using library and digital resources. In terms of methodology, this study has employed the process tracing method. Turkish opposition bloc, especially the political parties, though considered to be a major indicator of democracy, seems to have adopted undemocratic political procedures such as "appeasement procedure", "supportive procedure" and "deviant procedure" in the last two decades.