Egypt

Nearly four decades after Iranian-Egyptian diplomatic relations were severed, the two countries are yet to restore them. This is a result of the predominance of certain negative emotional attachments embedded in Iranian and Egyptian identities, which have clouded their respective attitudes toward one another. Mired in resentment against Arabism, the national component of the Iranian state identity catalyzes a disinclination to resolve problems with Egypt; in addition, Iran’s religious component carries resentment against Egypt as a state against Shia identification. The anti-western dimension of the Iranian state identity strengthens Iran’s negative emotional attachment to Egypt as a country allied with the United States and recently reconciling with Israel. On the Egyptian side, the Arab nationalism as the defining feature of the Egyptian state identity dictates estrangement from Iran and reluctance to engage with that. These negative emotional predispositions shape Iran and Egypt’s understanding of one another and, in the absence of pressing material interests, explain the continuous failure of the two countries to rebuild their relations. 

As an integrated political system, Islamic politics places the main objective of shaping the faith of the Muslim community in particular. This formation became the main basis for the establishment of the Islamic state. The establishment of the Ikhwan Muslimin (IM) Egypt in 1928 was a response to the fall of the Ottoman Caliphate in 1924. Its establishment was also shaped by the political thought of its founder, Hassan al-Banna and IM leadership. This paper examines the political thought of the IM leadership that is fundamental to its struggle to uphold the Islamic State in Egypt. This study uses a qualitative research metode, by analyzing the primary and secondary sources related to the thought of IM leadership. The study suggests that IM’s ideology and reflection were the main factors that influenced Egypt’s political orientation especially on issues of leadership and the system of government. IM’s political thought has also changed the development of an Islamic State in modern era.

The emergence of Non Government Organizations (NGOs) in various fields of life is proof that civil society is essential in building a democratic society. NGOs can educate citizens and communities on their fundamental rights to create a democratic state and world order life. NGOs in Indonesia and Egypt have played a significant role in strengthening democratic movements by empowering civil society. This study examines NGOs’ role in democratization in Indonesia during the reign of President Suharto and Egypt under the leadership of President Hosni Mubarak. In carrying out their functions, NGOs take a stand as a balancing force for the state and agents of community empowerment. The NGOs’ elements struggle in producing an ideal democratic society order in these two countries facing their respective challenges. Some NGOs challenge building democratic society such as military domination, party hegemony systems, and robust state control over society. To encourage democratization in Indonesia and Egypt, NGOs have contributed to building democratic practices, improving democratic performance, strengthening civil rights, monitoring elections, and promoting corruption eradication. The strengthening of democracy by NGOs in Indonesia and Egypt has impacted building political openness, awareness of citizens' political rights, and pro-society public policies.

This paper investigates the function of windcatchers in dry regions in Middle East and compares them in different fields in two areas including Yazd-Iran, and Egypt. The study exامینes windcatchers in these areas in terms of cooling system and forms, with different plans, forms, constituent components and decorations.Reassessment of windcatchers in these areas can shed light on these differences. Survey was carried out by systematic comparison sampling. Comparison of windcatcher components and performance in two areas of the Middle East can result in a comprehensive understanding of the differences in these two areas. However, to keep factors affecting windcatcher components constant, two windcatchers in two similar regions are investigated.Case comparison between windcatchers in Iran and Egypt in terms of the constituent components can be informative about the windcatcher architecture in two regions with similar climates and different cultures and can give us general knowledge of the issue. Findings of the research have shown that windcatchers have formed a cooling system in the Middle East traditional buildings and their primary function is conditioning using the wind renewable energy. The cooling system works in two ways: through displacement and displacement and evaporation. The latter has been particularly used for hot and dry climate. In hot and arid regions of the Middle East, the windcatcher shapes were determined according to the prevailing wind direction.

The Egyptian new towns experience is among the most comprehensive and ambitious, regionally and worldwide. Initiated as a governmental policy within a general strategy to tackle the multitude of problems burdening Egyptian settlements in general and major and secondary cities surrounded by agricultural land. New towns were thought as an effective partial solution for the problems of: encroachment of agricultural land, lack of urban land for development, deteriorating fabric, infrastructure and facilities and low quality living. A variety of New towns were proposed as a result of extensive, serious and comprehensive studies and joint endeavors of local and international experts. The new towns aimed to create self-contained growth poles in the desert which would absorb and redistribute population and activities, offering cheap housing and a healthy environment. Some new towns, have seen considerable success in attracting industry, attributed to their favorable location near Cairo. However, success in encouraging people to relocate to the new towns has been limited. A central criticism of the Egyptian programs is that all new towns together will have absorbed a maximum of 20% of population growth by the year 2000. Aim this paper to address the issue of “Encouragement of settlement and attractions for new cities and communities in Egypt”.

Egypt is a strategic country for the United States. On the one hand, maintaining Egypt friendly to the West due to its geopolitical location and influence in Arab League, keeping Suez Canal open for economic and military interests, following the market development opportunities, and securing a settlement with Israel is among the reasons which make Egypt vital for U.S. policymakers on the other the Egyptian foreign policy pattern is based on geography, national interests, cold War setting and leaders of Egypt is mainly affected by U.S. policies. This study uses foreign aid political theory to discuss how the United States uses foreign aid to maintain its interests in Egypt despite the political instability caused by the Arab Spring. The archival research on USAID and U.S. foreign policy towards Egypt demonstratesthat after Nasser's presidency and since the late 1970s, the United States has provided significant military and economic assistance to Egypt to pursue its interests in the Middle East. Although Arab Spring and Egyptian uprisings in 2011 and the Egyptian military’s coup in 2013 made the Obama administration suspend temporarily some U.S. assistance to Egypt, after the re-establishment of aids, the steady rate of U.S. military assistance to Egypt hasn’t been changed. This issue shows that U.S. unceasing influence in Egyptian circles of power was saved by foreign aid and proves the permanence of U.S. strategic interests in the region. As a result, the U.S. utilizes these aids as an influential tool to control Egypt and to pursue its goals in the Middle Eastern countries, including Iran. Due to the close partnership with the United State and Israel, Egypt doesn’t have a stable relationship with the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The study aims to investigate and comparatively identify the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on fraudulent reporting motives in three emerging markets, namely Iran, Iraq, and Egypt. The present research method is a descriptive survey. The statistical population consists of independent auditors in three countries, and field methods and questionnaires have been used to collect data. The results indicate that COVID-19 pandemic affects management motives for committing fraud. They include respectively: sudden personal financial needs, need to receive financial resources for firm, pressure from owners in family companies, tax incentives, greed, government pressure in state-owned firms, concealing financial distress, avoidance of exclusion or deterioration in stock market, trust and self-esteem, tendency to increase compensation/payment of the management, pressure due to threats and compulsion, concealment of personal and illegal exploitation of assets, implementation or going beyond analysts’ forecasts, high levels of market competition, revenge, manager’s culture and values, management ideology or beliefs, and comparison of social status. This is the first study to investigate and compare the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on fraudulent reporting incentives in emerging markets. Further, this study was conducted in three countries of Iran, Iraq, and Egypt, which have different contextual conditions (political, economic, cultural, etc.), indicating the impact of environmental conditions on the effects of Covid outbreaks. It can help stakeholders, including legislators,  capital market regulators and auditors in other markets, especially emerging markets, to deal with the risk of fraudulent reporting during the COVID -19 and other similar crises.

The emergence of new social movements in the Middle East with the aim of reforming or changing the established system and with different characteristics from traditional and classical movements is one of the topics that has attracted the attention of sociologists and social researchers. In this study, using a descriptive-analytical method, based on Ted Robert Greer's theory of "relative deprivation", an attempt has been made to investigate the emergence of new social movements in the Middle East and to examine whether another factor was involved in the emergence of this phenomenon or not. In order to facilitate the process of research and show real evidence, the Egyptian revolution will be discussed as a case study. Thus we organize the present article in the framework of the following questions: "Does the theory of 'relative deprivation' have the ability to explain new social movements in the Middle East, such as the Egyptian revolution?" And "What factors besides this theory can enhance the ability to explain these movements?" The results obtained from the analysis of the January Revolution in Egypt and the role of social media Revolution indicate that although the developments of Islamic societies are rooted in the dissatisfaction of the people of these countries with the situation of their society, however, the role of "mass media" in motivating and organizing people to participate in the main streets and squares of the city cannot be ignored. In fact, the "relative deprivation" of Egyptian society during the rule of Hosni Mubarak has acted as a motivating factor of people and social media and networks such as Facebook have played the role of catalyst.

Egypt’s direct political contact with France during Napoleon’s rule over it produced new circumstances which led to the emergence of new patterns and horizons of relationship. It heralded into a new era of cultural encounter with the West via France which inaugurated the process of modernization in Egypt. The process of modernization started earlier during the period of Napoleon’s rule, however it was fully re-appropriated later on by Muhammad Ali, the architect of modern Egypt. This development brought about the following salient features of modernization in Egypt. First, it was no more externally imposed in character. Second, the Egyptian rulers independently presided over the process as well as the outcomes of the modernization project. Third, it instilled a new sense of national identity and the idea of modern nation which culminated into the emergence of the idea of Egyptian nation and nationalism, and finally it transformed Egypt into a land of renaissance in the entire Arab world and thus helped Egypt in becoming center of regional power and power politics. Though this paper is about the role of Muhammad Ali in introducing modernization process in Egypt and its consequences but it also takes the wider views of the subject under consideration.

This paper aims at defining the green economy index and using econometric models in order to investigate the relationship between the consumption of renewable energy in Egypt’s transition to a green economy. Results indicate that first, consumption of renewable energy can effectively increase the level of development of green economy in the short and long term. Second, improving capital spending and increasing employment leads to an increase in the green economy index. Third, the effect of non-renewable energy on the green economy index is inverse, although there is a direct relationship between non-renewable energy consumption and total energy consumption. Therefore, it is necessary to consider the green credit policy of the government and financial institutions in order to maximize the enhanced effect of renewable energy investment on the green economy. The government must therefore develop a series of incentive measures to support and encourage investment in financing renewable energy, pay attention to the fundamental and guiding role of large enterprises in promoting renewable energy consumption and the development of the green economy, and fully mobilize the enthusiasm of all types of enterprises in promoting the development of the green economy.