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Human beings are meaning-generators, and their pursuit of meaning manifests through interpreting “signs.” Architectural elements can be perceived as signs capable of conveying valuable and significant messages. The more precise the semiotic interpretation of architectural elements, the deeper the understanding of their meaning. Since entry into any space necessitates passing through its door, the door functions as a connector between different realms, as an intermediary between a given place’s exterior and interior. Given the unique architectural significance of doors at entrances of Islamic pilgrimage shrines, they can be interpreted as meaningful signs. “Being at the shrine” can be understood as a form of human presence, which is materialized at entrances of Islamic pilgrimage shrines, particularly through the focal point of the door. The door marks the beginning of a transition into a sacred space, and numerous rituals are associated with this entry point. These rituals emphasize the commencement of the rites of entrance and initiation into a holy site. This study applies semiotic analysis based on Peirce’s model to examine the architectural element of the door as a meaningful sign. It seeks to answer the following questions: How can the physical characteristics of an entrance be interpreted both as a response to functional necessity and as a meaning-generating sign in the forms of index (namāya), symbol (namād), and icon (shamāyil)? Additionally, what concepts are semantically aligned with the door concerning the entrances of Islamic pilgrimage shrines? The research is based on a library study for data collection and employs a descriptive-analytical method to interpret the semiotics of doors. The findings indicate that the architectural element of the door, beyond its functional essence, encapsulates profound meanings. Semiotics offers a powerful tool for enhancing this architectural element’s understanding and deep analysis, allowing for a more precise interpretation. The primary function of the door as a sign is to establish a communicative space between the exterior and the interior. The door facilitates guidance and invitation into the sacred environment by dividing the spatial domain into inside and outside. Moreover, the first rites of initiation and presence commence here—placing the hand on the chest, expressing reverence, offering salutations, and seeking permission to enter. Therefore, the door is the gateway to the realm of presence and encounter. In the entrance of Islamic pilgrimage shrines, the door can be interpreted as a symbolic manifestation of the Divine Name al-Hādī (the Guide), the Imam’s guidance, the Perfect Man’s station, and the mediator of Divine Grace

The desire to be present in religious places is not confined to any one group; all members of society wish to visit and benefit from the spiritual atmosphere of such sites. This desire is steadily increasing among diverse social groups. Persons with disabilities are among these groups; due to the limitations they face, they have fewer opportunities to be present in crowded places. This article seeks to identify the important needs of disabled pilgrims when visiting the Shrine of Imam al-Rida (PBUH). It employs a mixed qualitative–quantitative approach, drawing upon documents and theoretical studies, expert interviews, and content analysis. Six principal dimensions and thirty-one components of need were identified, followed by analysis of their causal relations using fuzzy cognitive mapping. According to the findings, accessibility facilitation, environmental adaptation, and rehabilitation constitute the three main dimensions of need, each with associated components that point to practical strategies.

As I delve into Imām Riḍā’s civilizational thought, exploring the concept of justice and its implications, I find myself drawn to the parallels between his teachings and those of Jesus Christ. Imām Riḍā’s legacy of justice for everyone and injustice for no one resonates deeply with the core teachings of Christianity, particularly as embodied in the life and ministry of Jesus Christ. Both figures exemplify a profound commitment to mercy, compassion, and the pursuit of righteousness. One striking aspect of Imām Riḍā’s teachings is his emphasis on mercy for all believers, a principle that finds resonance in Jesus’ teachings on love and forgiveness. The example set by Imām Riḍā in praying for the prosperity of all believers reflects Jesus’ call to love one another and to pray even for our enemies. Moreover, Imām Riḍā’s respect for all individuals, regardless of their social status or background, mirrors Jesus’ interactions with people from all walks of life. Both figures demonstrate a deep reverence for the inherent dignity of every human being, challenging us to overcome prejudice and embrace the inherent worth of all individuals. The theme of caring for the needy is another point of convergence between Imām Riḍā and Jesus. Imām Riḍā’s choice to stay with the destitute during his travels and Jesus’ teachings on caring for the poor highlight the shared imperative to uplift the marginalized and alleviate suffering in our communities. Furthermore, both Imām Riḍā and Jesus exemplify affability toward others, emphasizing the importance of kindness, humility, and compassion in our interactions with one another. Their teachings remind us of the transformative power of love and the profound impact of acts of kindness on individuals and communities. Imām Riḍā’s emphasis on forgiving the faults of others echoes Jesus’ teachings on forgiveness and reconciliation. Both figures challenge us to overcome resentment and bitterness, extending grace and mercy to those who have wronged us. Additionally, Imām Riḍā and Jesus share a commitment to humane treatment of all people, regardless of their faith or ethnicity. Their teachings emphasize the importance of respecting human rights and promoting justice and equality for all members of society. Imām Riḍā’s civilizational thought offers valuable insights into the shared values that unite humanity across religious divides. As Christians and Muslims, we have much to learn from one another’s traditions, and through dialogue and cooperation, we can work together to build a more just, compassionate, and inclusive world.

In this article I draw attention to a little-studied phenomenon in the study of pilgrimage and sacred sites: how famed pilgrimage locations and routes may be replicated on a smaller scale in other locations. The article focuses mainly on Japanese pilgrimages, using primarily the example of the 1300-kilometre-long Shikoku pilgrimage, and shows how local small-scale versions of this pilgrimage developed historically throughout Japan from the seventeenth century onwards and were also taken abroad by Japanese migrants. A key factor in the development of these localised versions of the pilgrimage was that, for most people in earlier times, long distance pilgrimages were difficult if not impossible. Yet there was a widespread sense that such pilgrimages and the sacred figures associated with them were universal in nature and should be available to all. As such, localised replications on a smaller scale were developed so that those unable to go to sacred sites and make long journeys to distant famed pilgrimage sites, could have access in their own localities. While outlining key factors behind such developments in Japanese contexts the article shows that this is not something only evident in Japan; it is a phenomenon found globally and across numerous religious traditions and geographic settings. Examples are provided of similar developments in Catholic, Hindu and Buddhist contexts globally. In outlining some of the underlying implications of this phenomenon, of pilgrimages and sacred sites being replicated in localised versions, the article particularly highlights the issue of movement and mobility, a topic that has rightly been highlighted as an analytical theme in studies of pilgrimage. However, thus far, discussions of mobility and movement in pilgrimage contexts have focused on movement to and around sacred sites, and on the people—pilgrims—who do this. As the article argues, movement can also go the other way: of pilgrimages and sacred sites moving to where potential pilgrims are, and it flags up this issue along with the need for more research into replicated pilgrimages, as key areas of pilgrimage studies research.

Visiting religious sites is one of the customary programs in the journeys of diplomats and officials from Muslim countries when traveling to other Islamic lands. The shrine of the eighth Shiʿi Imam in the holy city of Mashhad—which is considered the most important pilgrimage site in Iran—has, in the last century, received dozens of Sunni statesmen. This study, conducted through a descriptive–analytical method, seeks to identify the reasons for the pilgrimage of these figures to the shrine of Imam al-Rida (PBUH). The findings indicate that the Sufi inclinations of certain Muslim statesmen constituted one of the reasons for their visitation to the Imam al-Rida’s shrine. Some Muslim politicians, such as Zahir Shah, Abul Kalam Azad, Imran Khan, Abdoulaye Wade, Benazir Bhutto, and others, from countries including Afghanistan, India, Pakistan, Senegal, and beyond, when visiting Iran, traveled to Mashhad with the intention of pilgrimage to Imam al-Rida’s shrine. In their homelands, these individuals were known for supporting Sufism or for their affiliation with ṭarīqas such as the Suhrawardiyya, Qādiriyya, Naqshbandiyya, Chishtiyya, and Murīdiyya, and there exist numerous reports of their pilgrimages to Sufi shrines. Accordingly, it seems that these political leaders, whether by conviction or out of reverence for the position of Imam al-Rida (PBUH) within Sufi silsilas undertook the visitation of his tomb. In this respect, one may expect that the shrine of Imam al-Rida could serve as a point of reliance contributing to the improvement and strengthening of political and cultural relations.