درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

Afghanistan is confronting the complexity of security and development challenges for the last several years, and that is affecting the Afghan’s lives and livelihood. Over the past years, it has continuously increased, and due to lack of security as well as the country has faced several incidents after 2014. The war created several problems, and there are major challenges by the Taliban, ISIS, and other critical terrorisation. The study aims to define a system approach that how a fragile system operates and functions. Afghanistan emerges as an example of a fragile state which can be explained through the concept of system approach. The article also looks at the concept of system approach and method takes the case study of Afghanistan to demonstrate the perils of a fragile state since 2014 following international military drawdown. Besides, it also looks at how the EU is responding to these challenges as part of its security and development strategy towards Afghanistan. Concluding remarks observed that a fragile system lacks developments and economic growth which consequences in displacement, emigration and instability in the country consequential in the community or the case of Afghanistan tribal warfare. In past overs years, the EU contributes its development and humanitarian aid to Afghanistan, which is bringing a significant change.

This study investigates the reasons for why people seek new political beginnings after historical plagues. The search for such political restarts appeared during the outbreaks of epidemics, but also they still exist among current historians. This investigation is conducted through historical and contemporary interpretations of epidemics. This study concentrates on examples from European and Muslim worlds, but also looks at that of China. It concludes that the meanings assigned to plagues are intertwined with the historical development of political power and its justification by the societies in question.

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) brings a multidimensional shift in regional geopolitics. The objective of this study examines the changing dynamics in regional geopolitics regarding the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) by analyzing the theoretical spectrum of the geopolitical theories of Heartland and Rimland. This paper hypothesized the economic gravity of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor could potential to develop a favorable geopolitical environment across the region. In sum, the outcomes of this research, the CPEC could transform the regional geopolitics from conventional to critical as converting the current hostile geopolitical environment into favorable geopolitics regarding its geo-economic potential. Resultantly, CPEC will convert the economic vulnerable, and war turn zone into economic well-being, peace and stable region.

The Middle East has witnessed many identity conflicts and rising violent extremist groups after 2003. The most prominent one has been the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), which has come to the sphere of politics, in the post Arab Spring era. The goal of this paper is to examine the roots of the emergence of violent extremist groups, principally with reference to ISIS rising in Iraq. To do this authors propose “the four-dimensional thick recognition” model that consists of four concepts i.e., 1) historical narratives, 2) self-esteem 3) ontological security, and 4) hubristic identity. This model highlights that historical narratives of conflict, along with lack of self-esteem leads to feeling of ontological insecurity. This, in turn, leads to a kind of hubristic identity crisis, which often paves the way through struggle for regaining it. By content analysis of major texts published by the ISIS through two major magazines, namely Dabiq and Rumiyah, we try to demonstrate how the rise of ISIS was rooted in the issue of thick recognition failure. The paper concludes that thick recognition failure in these four phases, led to the establishment of violent extremist groups particularly in regions with memories of conflict.

Policy developments over time and the dialectic of time and power in modern Iran have a long fluctuating history. There has not been much research on the foundations of political time in Iran. The birth of a new government in Iran within the Tanzimat system coincides with the birth of a new subjectivity that has been determined in the game with the institutions. Contemporary Iranian timescapes is actually the result of tension between the Antiqui and the Moderni, the Old and the New, on the eve of the transition from medieval Iran to Iranian modernity. This temporal-spatial transition is the sphere of dialectical link between Iranian designers of Tajaddod (modernity) and the conservative body of the royal court. This article tries to apply the theoretical tools of comparative historical analysis to state that “time matters” and “time could not be neglected” in Iranian government studies. Genealogical philosophy of time would be the main approach of research. It is well recognized how useful the Foucauldian genealogy and discourse analysis could be for historical sociology and institutionalism. The creative hermeneutic toolbox will also be used in this hybrid approach. Then combined theoretical concepts from the theoreticians of `timescape`, `political time`, `short-term society`, and socio-historical concepts such as `rhizome`, `territorialization` and `bio-politics` would be used in a hermeneutical way. The main contribution is the application of timescape theory and its integration with genealogy and creative hermeneutics on Iran.

The purpose of this study is to examine the protracted border problems of Indonesia - Timor Leste, especially unresolved segments in the Noel Besi - Citrana area. The method used in this research is qualitative research with a case study approach. The findings in this study show that the protracted land boundary problem between Indonesia and Timor Leste, namely the unresolved segment Noel Besi-Citrana, is caused by differences in interpretation between Indonesia and Timor Leste of the 1904 Treaty. Therefore, the Noel Besi River and its estuary, as contained in the 1904 Treaty, are still a matter of debate between Indonesia and Timor Leste. The error in the 1904 Treaty was to define an object using two definitions, geometrically and toponymical, which caused later debate. This condition has an impact on the social conditions of border communities, to be prone to conflict due to the unclear territorial boundaries of the country.

The aim of this study is to evaluate the degree to which the mentality and behaviour of the Kedah and Penang state administrations from 1965 to 1985 were impacted by the drawing of raw water from Sungai Muda, as a significant strategic factor. This article's goal is to explore the interactions between the two governments over raw water that they acquire from Sungai Muda. Additionally, it will assess the effects of Kedah's decision to permit Penang to use Sungai Muda's raw water. Based on previous studies, it was found that despite the issue's relevance and obvious connection to the current water supply dispute between the two states, researchers did not pay much attention to the management of raw water obtained from Sungai Muda by Kedah and Penang.  Since it addresses issues that will still come up between the two states in light of the present water supply crisis, this study is relevant and important. The study used a qualitative methodology in addition to primary materials such as contract documents, archival records, and secondary sources such as books and articles. From the findings, it was observed that the use of raw water sources from Sungai Muda involves close engagement between the states of Kedah and Penang from 1965 to 1985. During this time, the state governments of Penang and Kedah played a crucial role in empowering the water supply sector in their respective states. The historical experience of Malaysia's water supply policy's consolidation in the twenty-first century adds a new dimension to the conversation about water issues in the country.

The Indo-Pacific region has become increasingly central to global politics, reflecting significant shifts in geopolitical dynamics. This paper investigates the evolving relationship between India and Iran, focusing on their strategic ambitions and the broader geopolitical implications within the Indo-Pacific context. Key attention in the study has been given to the strategic importance of Chabahar Port, which serves as India's crucial gateway to Afghanistan and Central Asia, enhancing its connectivity and influence in the region. Additionally, the paper explores India's participation in emerging alliances, analyzing both the challenges and opportunities these partnerships present. The study has incorporateed SPSS regression analysis, examining the factors influencing India's strategic decisions and the impact of its alliances on regional stability and prosperity. By employing this statistical approach, the paper quantitatively assesses the correlations between various geopolitical and economic variables, offering a nuanced understanding of India's strategic posture with Iran in the Indo-Pacific region.