Iran

The beauty industry in Iran has seen remarkable growth in recent years, fueled by deep-rooted cultural ideals surrounding physical appearance. Many Iranians, as idealists, strive to meet high standards of beauty, a pursuit that has led to the booming of various beauty industries, including cosmetics, skincare, and plastic surgery. While the desire to look beautiful is often associated with social acceptance and personal confidence, the pursuit of beauty in Iran also has significant health consequences. Drawing on a review of existing literature, industry reports, and cultural studies, the study explores how beauty standards in Iran influence individual health, both physically and psychologically. Our results show that the pressures to conform to societal beauty standards can lead to an obsession with appearance, which, in turn, may result in mental health challenges such as anxiety, body dysmorphia, and depression. This article argues that while the beauty business thrives on society's idealistic vision of attractiveness, it comes at a cost. The commodification of beauty has not only reshaped cultural values but also introduced health risks that must be critically assessed.

Retracted publications continue to influence scholarship long after withdrawal. This study assembles a curated set of 169 Iran-affiliated retractions in computer science, data science, and electrical engineering from 2008 to 2024, links them to citing and cited works through two complementary retrieval pipelines, and constructs an expanded citation network of 1'694 nodes and 1,703 edges. We quantify retraction reasons and timing, community structure, node centrality, self-citation patterns, author and institutional concentration, international co-authorship, and a field-adjusted national benchmark. Misconduct-related causes predominate. The average interval from publication to retraction increased into 2021 and has since begun to shorten. The citation network exhibits strong community structure with three major thematic clusters. Centrality profiling isolates five retracted works that function as hubs, often reinforced by self-citation loops. Contribution is highly concentrated among a small set of authors and institutions, while collaboration extends across multiple regions beyond Iran. A field-adjusted retraction rate places the national record among mid-tier producers. These results identify practical leverage points to reduce downstream spread of invalidated findings: persistent indexing flags on hub retractions, routine screening of citations to retracted work, and focused attention on repeat patterns in self-citation and institutional clusters. The study offers a reproducible dual-pipeline approach, a full centrality profile of an enlarged network, and actor-level diagnostics that support targeted integrity interventions.

Jacques Derrida occupe une place importante dans l’histoire des idées contemporaine. Il marque à ce titre l’œuvre et la pensée de bon nombre de critiques et philosophes à travers le monde. L’Iran est, entre autres, le pays où l’on pourrait déceler les traces de l’œuvre derridienne dans les milieux académiques. Peu de temps après qu’il se fait connaître en Amérique, des traducteurs et universitaires iraniens commencent à le présenter en Iran. On lui accorde même un intérêt spécifique, ce qui paraît étrange vu les caractéristiques que présentent en général, l’œuvre et la pensée de Derrida, qualifiées souvent d’hermétiques. D’où se pose la question suivante : comment expliquer cette attention des cercles académiques et intellectuels iraniens à une pensée qui se caractérise par sa complexité ? Nous pensons que l’une des raisons de cette réception favorable accordée à la pensée de Derrida serait à rechercher dans le fait qu’on est en manque d’un espace qui fonctionnerait comme clé à comprendre, voire évaluer les productions intellectuelles de l’Occident, dont la pensée postmoderne. Cet article essaiera, à travers une analyse thématique, de dresser un tableau de la situation de de la pensée de Derrida en Iran. Pour cela, nous ferons le choix du concept de « déconstruction » comme support à notre réflexion

This research explores how Iranian MBA students view artificial intelligence as a driver of change in global power structures. Using a mixed-methods design, it combines survey results from 394 respondents with thematic analysis of open-ended answers. The quantitative data indicate a widespread belief that AI will hasten the decline of established global powers, widen global disparities, and offer emerging economies chances for geopolitical advantage. Qualitative themes include AI as a soft power tool, concerns over technological dependence, entrepreneurial optimism, and regulatory inadequacy. The analysis situates participants’ views within broader theoretical frameworks articulated by Innis, McLuhan, Castells, and Toffler, emphasizing AI’s capacity to redefine sovereignty, governance, and economic competitiveness. Statistical tests highlight how demographic variables, such as employment sector and academic status, significantly influence attitudes toward AI’s disruptive potential. These results underline both the optimism and anxiety among future business leaders regarding Iran’s capacity to harness AI’s transformative possibilities amidst structural and regulatory challenges.

This research presents a comparative analysis regarding the influence of religion as a key component of national identity on behavioral patterns in Iran's foreign policy across two distinct periods: that of Pahlavi II and the Islamic Republic. The significance of examining religion arises from its impact on national interest formulation within constructivist frameworks, where identity constructs play a pivotal role. The primary objective of this study is to elucidate how recognizing religion's position as an identity factor can enhance our understanding of behavioral patterns in Iran's foreign policy. Addressing the inquiry into religion's influence on these patterns during both eras, this paper posits that while religion was one of many influential factors in Pahlavi II's foreign policy landscape, it did not substantially integrate into national identity or affect foreign policy decisions at that time. Conversely, within the Islamic Republic framework, religion emerges as a fundamental ideology and an independent variable that shapes foreign policy behavior. The research findings ultimately reveal that during Pahlavi II’s era, national interests were defined through the lens of modern state identity, whereas Shia ideology became central to shaping foreign policy identity in the Islamic Republic. Consequently, religion has demonstrated a significant direct impact on behavioral patterns within this political context.

Reflection on Javad Tabatabai's views concerning Iranshahri political thought, along with certain critical remarks, constitutes the central focus of the present article. This article initially addresses the position of the discourse on Iranshahri thought and political thought within the entirety of Tabatabai's research project. Subsequently, following brief references to the characteristics of Iranshahri thought as its foundations, the elements (sing. mofrad) of Iranshahri political thought, based on these foundations, are extracted and inferred from his works. The most significant elements of Iranshahri political thought, according to Tabatabai, can be identified as follows: 1. Ideal kingship possessing divine farr (charisma/glory). 2. The institution of vizierate. 3. The absolute, but not autocratic, nature of Iranshahri monarchy. 4. Realism, expediency, and the precedence of observing justice over Sharia (religious law). 5. Unity in diversity centered on the institution of kingship. 6. Tolerance. 7. The education of princes and future rulers. 8. Law as the will of God, enacted by the royal institution as God's representative on earth. 9. Religion as a part of national affairs and in service of national interests. 10. Emphasis on the disorders of the age as a negative aspect of the rearticulation of Iranshahri political thought in the Islamic era. The ahistorical nature, subjective interpretation (tafsir bi'l-ra'y), imposition of presuppositions onto historical reality, ideological character, and the disregarding or omission of events and ideas contrary to his viewpoint are the most significant shortcomings in Tabatabai's views on Iranshahri political thought.

Oversight of political power is essential for good governance. This process, by comparing "What is" with "What should be," helps improve resource allocation and enhances the quality of public services. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, following the 1357 SH/1979 AD Revolution, the political system underwent a structural transformation in leadership accountability by establishing the institution of the Leader (alongside the three branches of government) and revoking the absolute immunity of the monarch. This article examines the concept, significance, and mechanisms of oversight over the Leader and related institutions in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Oversight of the Leader has two primary objectives: increasing efficiency and strengthening political legitimacy. The Leader, as defined in the Constitution, is the most important political authority, elected by the Assembly of Experts (who are themselves elected by the people), and holds extensive duties, including determining the general policies of the system and commanding the armed forces. The Leader is equal to all other citizens before the law and can be dismissed by the Assembly of Experts if they lose the necessary qualifications. This article analyzes three main theories of legitimacy in the Islamic Republic of Iran: the Theory of Appointment (divine legitimacy), the Theory of Election (popular legitimacy), and the Divine-Popular Theory (a combination of both). Each of these theories explains leadership oversight in a different way. This analysis shows that despite differences in theoretical foundations, all perspectives emphasize the necessity of oversight over the Leader and related institutions, paving the way for increased efficiency and the stability of the system.

The relationship between Iran and European countries dates back centuries, rooted in a long history of interaction shaped by mutual interests and shifting geopolitical contexts. Given this deep historical background and their unique strategic circumstances, both parties remain vital to one another. The evolving landscape of opportunities and threats in Tehran–Brussels relations has led both Iran and the European Union to consistently reassess their bilateral ties. In this context, Iran and the EU take into account Europe's economic, political, and security capabilities, alongside the broader trajectory of their longstanding relationship. A critical turning point in these relations has been the European Union's strategic shift from a normative approach—grounded in the promotion of values such as human rights and democracy—towards a more security-oriented posture. This transformation has significantly influenced the nature of Iran–EU engagement. This article addresses the central question: Why has the EU's strategy toward Iran shifted between 1993 and 2024? To answer this, the study adopts a comprehensive approach, drawing on the theoretical frameworks of Neorealism and Constructivism. It argues that while the European Union has historically positioned itself as a normative power—basing its external actions on shared European values—external pressures, including the 2008 financial crisis, migration flows, and the rise of right-wing populism, have increasingly pushed the EU toward prioritizing security concerns. The research employs a qualitative methodology to analyze this shift, offering insights into how structural and ideational factors have shaped the EU's evolving stance toward Iran.

Neighborhood policy can be explained by various strategies throughout different eras and actors, important states like China, the European Union (commonly referred to as "neighborhood policy"), Turkey with its "zero tension with neighbors" approach, India under the "Neighborhood First" policy, and Iran, which has developed its own "Neighborhood Policy." Essentially, neighborhood policy is defined as a strategy that prioritizes relationships with neighboring countries within a nation’s foreign policy framework. This article seeks to address a key question: Is Iran's implementation of its neighborhood policy a strategic choice or a short-term necessity stemming from specific challenges, such as sanctions? The hypothesis of this research posits that Iran's adoption of this policy is primarily a functional necessity in response to pressing foreign policy issues. However, it also suggests that this policy could evolve into a long-term strategic framework if it expands into other areas.

The Middle East has been a region marked by profound transformations, consistently hindering the prospects for a sustainable peace that can symbolize the inclusive participation of various groups in power. Both the United States and Iran have shown a keen interest in this region, especially Iraq. Consequently, both countries have endeavored to establish influence in Iraq. Twenty years after the fall of Saddam Hussein, a suitable opportunity presents itself to evaluate state-building strategies in Iraq. Post-Saddam Iraq has been a stage for various actors involved in the state-building project. This article aims to conduct a comparative scientific evaluation of the strategies employed by Iran and the United States. The central question addressed in this study is how Iran and the United States have approached state-building in post-Saddam Iraq and what outcomes have ensued from their respective actions. Employing a descriptive-analytical methodology, the findings of this study reveal that the United States, disregarding the complexities of Iraqi society and leveraging military force, has pursued a top-down or waterfall approach to state-building, resulting in unforeseen consequences. In contrast, the Islamic Republic of Iran, with a thorough understanding of Iraqi society and strong ties to Shia groups, has successfully implemented a more effective bottom-up or base-diffusion model of state-building. Ultimately, the outcomes of Iran's and the United States' state-building efforts in Iraq are comparatively assessed.

Iran and Saudi Arabia have long competed as two regional powers, striving to expand their influence and safeguard their interests over the past five decades. While this rivalry has largely been non-military and indirect, it has manifested through political, ideological, informational, and economic avenues. The pivotal variable of oil has significantly shaped the competition between these nations. In recent years, a transition towards alternative energy sources has emerged, driven by factors such as dwindling oil reserves, economic inefficiencies, oil price volatility linked to global politics, potential fluctuations in demand, supply security concerns, sustainable economic practices, and environmental issues like global warming and climate change. Both Iran and Saudi Arabia have endeavored to diversify their energy portfolios, moving beyond oil dependency through initiatives like nuclear programs and exploration of other sources. Consequently, the influence of oil on their bilateral relations has evolved, losing some of its historical significance. This study aims to explore the factors that have diminished the importance of oil in shaping the dynamic between Iran and Saudi Arabia. Through the lens of the rentier state theory and scenario-writing method, the research reveals that technological advancements, the involvement of regional and extra-regional actors in West Asia, the impact of non-governmental entities, the shift towards alternative energy sources in the region, and the economic diversification efforts of both nations have collectively reduced the once-central role of oil in their relationship.

The geopolitical landscape of West Asia, especially the Persian Gulf region, is characterized by protracted conflicts, humanitarian crises, and complex historical grievances. To address these challenges and foster stability, this paper proposes the establishment of a new constructive initiative - the Muslim West Asian Dialogue Association (MWADA) - at the heart of the region. This initiative seeks to bring together key Muslim nations in this region for comprehensive dialogue and cooperative action, grounded in principles of mutual respect, shared security, and economic integration. By focusing on shared challenges and opportunities, MWADA aims to transform the current narrative of conflict into one of collaboration and sustainable development, emphasizing the urgent need for a collective approach to regional issues.

Multilateralism deals with cooperation and coordination between countries with the aim of achieving common goals. Multilateralism, especially in the East Asian region, plays an important role in facilitating cooperation and coordination between countries to face challenges and take advantage of common opportunities. This policy helps by forming institutions and mechanisms such as unions and regional institutions, promoting trade and investment, cultural and educational exchanges, and resolving regional and international conflicts. The present article answers the key question; what effect has the process of multilateralism in East Asia had on the policy of looking towards the East of Iran? In response to this question and using the analytical descriptive method, to examine the different approaches and strategies of East Asian countries in creating multilateral institutions such as ASEAN plus three, China-ASEAN Free Trade Area, Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the Belt and Road Initiative. which has led to the strengthening of the policy of looking towards the east of Iran, has been discussed. Participation in East Asian multilateralism brings economic opportunities for Iran, access to new resources and markets, strengthening of technology, strengthening of political relations and diplomacy, and interaction with regional actors. These reasons can encourage Iran to play a role in the framework of East Asian multilateralism and develop its relations with the countries of the region. These proposals may include strengthening economic exchanges, establishing political and security cooperation mechanisms, facilitating cultural and educational exchanges, and promoting public diplomacy between the respective countries.

Despite common interests, historical ties, and mutual needs in areas such as military and economic cooperation, Iran–China relations have not evolved into a decisive level of strategic partnership. Accordingly, the authors of the present article seek to explore this issue through the lens of strategic culture. By examining the key components of the strategic cultures of Both Countries, as well as the internal obstacles and challenges arising from them, this study aims to answer the question: How has the strategic culture of Iran and China, at the domestic level, influenced the development of their strategic partnership? It appears that the absence of a shared perspective among the political elites of Iran and China on various issues has hindered the formation of a decisive strategic partnership between the two countries. The research findings indicate that the role of security considerations and domestic issues—such as differing strategic cultures reflected in policymakers’ perceptions of elements like power, legitimacy, welfare, development, and security—along with internal constraints in both countries, have played a fundamental role in creating obstacles within Iran-China strategic relations. This study employs a qualitative-interpretive methodology with an explanatory approach.

This research examines how Eastern European countries balance NATO commitments and independent policies in response to the Gaza crisis, with special attention to Iran's role in this equation. The findings of this study show reveal that Eastern European countries, despite structural limitations, maintain significant autonomy in their foreign policy. These countries have shown diverse responses to the Gaza crisis, reflecting a combination of security considerations, economic interests, domestic political constraints, and historical and cultural influences. Iran's role as a key regional actor in the Middle East represents an important variable in the foreign policy calculations of these countries. Comparative analysis of official positions and diplomatic actions reveals a significant gap between discourse and practice. The pattern of Eastern European countries' responses to Gaza crises provides a deeper understanding of foreign policy dynamics in the region and offers a framework for future analyses that incorporate the "Iran factor" in Eastern European foreign policy calculations.

The topic of Iranian identity is one that many are willing to recognize, while only a minority choose to reject it. The author of the book in question belongs to the latter group. The title suggests that the author intends to challenge both Iran and the historical foundations of Iranian and national identity. Influenced by contemporary theoretical discussions that overlook the historical and cultural contexts of the nations being examined, he tends to regard Iran and its national identity as constructs devised by Orientalists. He does not acknowledge the historical importance and development of the term "Iran" itself. The author of the book Iran as Imagined Nation: The Construction of National Identity, who draws inspiration from Edward Said's Orientalism and Benedict Anderson's Imagined Communities, contends that both Iranian and non-Iranian authors view Iranian and national identity as a historical phenomenon. These authors, influenced by racial and ideological perspectives and western methodologies, have narrated history in a way that is both ahistorical and misleading, replacing genuine historical events with fabricated stories. This article does not critique every chapter of the book Iran as Imagined Nation: The Construction of National Identity. Instead, it will concentrate on chapters that present weak or incorrect claims regarding Iran's historical roots, its attributes, and its ethnic and linguistic diversity, with the aim of clarifying and illuminating these issues.

Background and Theoretical Foundations:  Moscow believes that the West's approach to Ukraine is carried out with two methods of expanding the European Union, known as the Eastern Partnership Program and encouraging Ukraine to join NATO. Therefore, the Russians believe that if Kyiv joins the European Union, other countries of the former Soviet Union will gradually leave the Kremlin's sphere of influence. Ukraine joining the European Union will not only border Russia with NATO, but will also reduce Russia's influence. In this regard, Moscow wants a pro-Russian government in Ukraine and therefore will not tolerate a pro-Western country that is a member of NATO. Methodology: The research method is descriptive-analytical, which was collected and conducted through the study of library documents. Result: The research hypothesis can be proposed in this way that the interaction between Iran and Russia, taking into account measures such as the permanent and official presence of Iran in the ports of the Mediterranean Sea and the Black Sea, greater convergence between Tehran and Moscow in solving the legal consensus of the Caspian Sea, the maximum benefit of the route of the Caspian Sea in the transit of goods in the North-South corridor can be realized. With the experiences they had learned from the past, this time the Russians came to the field with a more aggressive model against the actions of the West and NATO, and with military intervention and a show of power, they are trying to change the geopolitical game in their favor. Western reaction against this action caused increased pressure and intensified sanctions against Russia. Russia seeks to play an effective role in global equations and to improve its position in the international system and economic growth while expanding its sphere of influence. In this regard, it needs organizational and political cohesion for its benefit and in line with its defended values at the regional and global level. Nevertheless, the war between Russia and Ukraine can highlight Iran's status as a regional power. Conclusion: In the interaction of the balance of power in the relations between the great powers following the Russian military attack on Ukraine, creating a buffer zone between Russia and NATO can contain opportunities and threats for the countries of the region, especially the Islamic Republic of Iran and its foreign policy. Therefore, Iran, as an intermediate power in the world, should pursue a policy based on a positive balance, seeking to make the most of the current gap created in the relations between Russia and the West, for its interests and national security. On the other hand, because the Russians are self-interested and have a realistic and pragmatic policy, they consider an independent and powerful Iran a geopolitical supplement to developing their influence and future. The cooperation between Tehran and Moscow in the last two decades has been going on in various dimensions, despite some inadequacies, and has continued, especially much more so in the fields of security and defense. The secret of Russia's renewed emphasis on naval power is that this country is seeking to gain its share of power in the international system. In the meantime, countries like Iran, which have an important position in the relations between Russia and the West, are affected by international competition, whether they like it or not. In the meantime, Iran can catch the opportune chances that are present in naval strategy and operationalize its natural potential. Operationalization of the opportunities can be realized for Tehran by formulating maritime strategy solutions and bilateral interaction with Moscow. Therefore, it is clear that the Islamic Republic of Iran with interaction and agreement with Russia and the permanent and official presence of the Iranian naval fleet in the sea ports Mediterranean Sea and Black Sea ports, and also by more convergence with Russia in solving the legal consensus of the Caspian Sea, can increase the development of its maritime transit cooperation. The sale of Russian oil and gas through the Caspian Sea, the maximum benefit of the Caspian Sea route in the transit of goods in the North-South Corridor, can also be another achievement of Iran in using the opportunity of the confrontation between Russia and Ukraine in this region

INTRODUCTION: Women represent half of the world's population and play a crucial, yet often unrecognized in disaster risk reduction, sustainable development, and social resilience. Their involvement in caregiving, informal leadership, and crisis response, especially in a disaster-prone country like Iran, has a significant impact on community recovery and long-term development. However, socio-cultural barriers often limit their formal participation in disaster management processes. METHOD: This narrative review employed a descriptive-analytical approach supported by a systematic literature search. A total of 20 key articles were selected from both Persian and English academic databases, including Magiran, Noormags, Civilica, ISC, SID, Scopus, and Google Scholar. Inclusion criteria focused on peer-reviewed literature published between 2010 and 2024 that addressed women’s roles in disaster management and sustainable development within Iran or comparable contexts. FINDINGS: The analysis reveals that women in Iran play essential roles in environmental sustainability, psychological recovery, and community rebuilding in the aftermath of disasters. Despite their critical informal contributions, structural challenges—such as limited access to education, healthcare, leadership positions, and disaster preparedness resources—continue to hinder their involvement in formal Disaster Risk Management (DRM). The findings highlight the effectiveness of grassroots efforts led by women and the need for institutional support to enhance their impact. CONCLUSION: According to the results, there is an urgent need for gender-sensitive disaster response policies that recognize and empower women as active agents of change. Involving women in disaster planning and response through targeted education, community participation, and legal reforms will not only reduce vulnerabilities but also advance sustainable development and societal resilience in Iran.

L'enseignement du français pour les iraniens cause pas mal de problèmes à tous les niveaux de l'apprentissage surtout du point de vue de l'orthographe. Vu les structures et différences contrastives existant entre le persan et le français, certes, les apprenants iraniens ont des diffucultés à suivre toutes les étapes de l'enseignement dans les classes de français, y compris l'orthographe. Nous constatons que celle-ci est due à une approche contrastive qui se crée de la rencontre entre la langue maternelle des étudiants iraniens à savoir persan et la langue que l'on vise à apprendre, le français, tout en passant par la grammaire, la phonétique... Dans cet article, nous essayons d'analyser ce problème de l'orthographe de quatre points de vue qui nous sebmbent être pertinents dans la résolution de ce problème majeur de l'apprentissage du français en Iran. Il faut ajouter que cet article est le produit des expériences de l'enseignement du français en Iran durant des années consécutives.

L’étude de la réussite universitaire est un paradigme presque jeune dans le domaine de la recherche psychopédagogique du monde et les pays anglosaxons en sont les pionniers. En Iran, le concept de la réussite est traité depuis une quinzaine d’années. Pourtant, la plupart des recherches effectuées s’intéressent aux niveaux primaires et secondaires. Il nous semble primordial de faire avancer ces recherches au niveau universitaire parce que l’université est en particulier censée aujourd’hui être le passage principal à la professionnalisation et à la formation des futurs citoyens et cela est surtout le cas dans le domaine des langues étrangères. Dans cet article, nous nous attardons avant tout sur les définitions du concept de la réussite universitaire des étudiants en Iran. Plus précisément, nous cherchons à définir de très nombreuses différences contextuelles aux niveaux socioculturel, économique et universitaire entre ces pays et l’Iran. Ainsi, suivant une approche descriptive-analytique basée sur des ressources en bibliothèque, le présent travail est centré sur l’étude du concept de réussite universitaire d’un point de vue plutôt qualitative que quantitative. Nous pouvons ainsi aider à aborder le concept dans un paradigme autonome afin de favoriser des recherches psychopédagogiques plus systématiques et plus contextualisées dans le domaine du Fle en Iran dans des étapes suivantes (résultat de la recherche).