Contemporary Research on the Islamic Revolution

Multiethnic identities in any country can have a dual function; on the one hand, they can strengthen national unity and on the other hand, they can become a trump card in the hands of foreigners to undermine the national security and territorial integrity of that country. In the meantime, the central government plays a decisive role in determining how the ethnic groups living in the country function. In the present study, two completely different approaches to the way of interacting with ethnic identities, namely the Pahlavi government and the Islamic Republic, are examined. Also, a case study will address the way the two aforementioned governments interacted with the Kurdish people, and in this way, the question of what position national identity and ethnic identity had in the two aforementioned periods will be answered. The research data were collected using a library method and analyzed using a comparative method. The research findings indicate that the adoption of an antagonistic approach by the Pahlavi government, which was aimed at achieving Iranian national unity and strengthening their national cohesion, led to the central government's efforts to eliminate ethnic identities, and the cultural policymaking of the Islamic Republic, by adopting an agonistic approach, accepted the concept of ethnic identities as one of the indelible realities of Iranian society.

Objective: This paper aims to explore Murtaḍā Muṭahharī’s distinctive contributions to Islamic economic thought, with a particular focus on his analysis in Darāmadī bar Iqtiṣād Taṭbīqī. It seeks to clarify how Muṭahharī’s economic philosophy both critiques Western economic schools and articulates a uniquely Islamic approach, especially in the context of the ideological foundations of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. Method: The study employs a qualitative, analytical approach, drawing on Muṭahharī’s lectures. The research situates Muṭahharī’s economic ideas within the broader intellectual and historical landscape of Iran on the eve of the revolution. Results: The analysis reveals that Muṭahharī’s economic thought is characterized by a rigorous distinction between economic science and economic doctrine, an emphasis on justice and ethical conduct, and a holistic view of Islam as a comprehensive way of life. He critiques both capitalism and socialism for their inability to realize true justice and instead advocates for an Islamic economic system that balances individual initiative with social responsibility. Conclusion: Muṭahharī’s vision for Islamic economics remains highly relevant to contemporary debates on social justice, Islamic banking, and the moral foundations of economic policy in Iran and beyond. His work provides a robust intellectual framework for integrating Islamic values with modern economic challenges, ensuring that the pursuit of material well-being in Muslim societies remains inseparable from the quest for justice and spiritual fulfillment.

The purpose of this article is to introduce and examine revisionism in the great revolutions of the world. Based on this, with the method of comparative study and in the framework of Gidden's "Structuration" theory, we investigate the interaction of "agency" and "structure" which causes the formation of revisionism in these revolutions. The study of these revolutions shows that the current of revisionism is formed and strengthened when, first, the agency of the people decreases and the agency of those in power increases; Secondly, equality as a construction should be weakened and the construction of power-seeking should be emphasized. In the French Revolution, power-hungry politicians were active, and aristocracy as a common construct led to revisionism. In the Russian Revolution, when monopolism prevailed as the pattern of social communication, a new class took power and a revision of revolutionary ideals and methods took place. The Chinese revolution underwent revisionism when technocrats became agents and developmentism as construction prevailed. The article suggests that in order to reduce the scope of revisionism in revolutionary systems, it is necessary to maintain and strengthen the presence and influence of people in the political scene. In addition, various tools should be used to weaken the structure and pattern of power-seeking among revolutionary politicians.

Background and Objective: The securitization of women, as one of the key components of social and national security, plays an effective role in sustainable development and social cohesion. The present study aims to explain the strategies for the securitization of women in the sphere of national order, with an emphasis on the statements of the Supreme Leader, in order to clarify the theoretical and practical dimensions of this issue from the perspective of the Leader's views. Methodology: The present research has used the thematic analysis method to examine the statements of the Supreme Leader. Data were collected from a set of relevant statements, coded, and analyzed in the form of basic, organizing, and overarching themes. Findings: The research results show that the securitization of women in the intellectual system of the Supreme Leader can be analyzed in three dimensions: "Self-building," "Society-building," and "Civilization-building." Based on the analyses performed, a conceptual model can be presented to show the "Relationship between constructs and their role" in the securitization of women. This model includes five main constructs (individual, familial, socio-cultural, economic, and political-civilizational), each of which acts as an independent axis while simultaneously playing a complementary role in interaction with other constructs. The main themes include the empowerment of women, human dignity, the role of women in the family, women's social and political participation, and providing legal and cultural support for women's security. Also, the emphasis on preserving the religious and cultural identity of women as an important factor in achieving social security has been considered. Conclusion: The securitization of women in the sphere of national order requires a multi-dimensional and integrated approach that covers the individual, familial, and social dimensions. The findings of this research can be used as a basis for policymaking and planning in the field of women's security and contribute to the promotion of social security indicators and sustainable development.

Oversight of political power is essential for good governance. This process, by comparing "What is" with "What should be," helps improve resource allocation and enhances the quality of public services. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, following the 1357 SH/1979 AD Revolution, the political system underwent a structural transformation in leadership accountability by establishing the institution of the Leader (alongside the three branches of government) and revoking the absolute immunity of the monarch. This article examines the concept, significance, and mechanisms of oversight over the Leader and related institutions in the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Oversight of the Leader has two primary objectives: increasing efficiency and strengthening political legitimacy. The Leader, as defined in the Constitution, is the most important political authority, elected by the Assembly of Experts (who are themselves elected by the people), and holds extensive duties, including determining the general policies of the system and commanding the armed forces. The Leader is equal to all other citizens before the law and can be dismissed by the Assembly of Experts if they lose the necessary qualifications. This article analyzes three main theories of legitimacy in the Islamic Republic of Iran: the Theory of Appointment (divine legitimacy), the Theory of Election (popular legitimacy), and the Divine-Popular Theory (a combination of both). Each of these theories explains leadership oversight in a different way. This analysis shows that despite differences in theoretical foundations, all perspectives emphasize the necessity of oversight over the Leader and related institutions, paving the way for increased efficiency and the stability of the system.

Objective: Impartial scholars believe that pervasive corruption was a key characteristic of the Pahlavi regime. While extensive research has been conducted on this topic, it has not been thoroughly examined through the lens of the leaders of the Islamic Revolution. This article aims to address this gap by asking: ‘What is Imam Khamenei's definition of corruption, and how does he view its depth and breadth within the Pahlavi regime?’ Method: To answer this question, a content analysis and documentary study approach were used. The research examined and compiled a collection of statements from the Leader of the Revolution. Results: Within the framework of his thoughts and with the aid of historical documents, court insiders' memoirs and writings, and existing research, this study presents examples and evidence of the court's corruption in each area. Conclusions:   The findings indicate that, in Imam Khamenei's view, the Pahlavi regime was afflicted by corruption in its moral, financial, managerial, and political aspects, and that this corruption was widespread. The Shah himself was the core of this corruption, and the closer individuals were to this core, the more corrupt they were.