درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

During the Qajar period, women were subjected to severe restrictions due to patriarchal and traditional society, and due to illiteracy and lack of presence in society, they suffered from ignorance of the environment and ignorance due to lack of connection with the outside world. In addition to associations, women created women's magazines and newspapers to raise awareness and protest their status. The Constitutional Revolution led to the gradual presence of women journalists and women's publications in the press arena. This was not easy to do because religious and traditional communities were among the factors limiting women's activities. For this reason, the question arises that what effect did women's publications have on the promotion of the position and situation of women in Qajar society? Given that after the Constitutional Revolution, newspapers were one of the most important media outlets, the hypothesis is that women, like other sections of society, have expressed their views and goals through publications and tried to raise awareness and change the mentality and attitude of women. The results of the research show the growth of awareness, change of attitude and the entry of a large number of women into society. Because with the entry of the first Pahlavi period, submissive women without claiming the Qajar period, have become aware and demanding women and have raised demands such as equal rights with men and the right to enter society and employment, which is mainly the result of the activities of Qajar periodicals. The method of the present research is descriptive-analytical and the data are collected in a library method.

While other major global players emphasize the tangible characteristics of power, this alliance focuses on intangible power structures. For this purpose, this union is the only powerful normative identity player in the world community. Analysis of the position of this union in this context and its role in the fight against terrorism is the primary goal of the present article. Now, the main question is, what effect does the European Union's identity positioning have on this union's role in the fight against terrorism in the world system? According to the findings of the research, the European Union, be-sides enjoying normative identity advantages, as an essential international actor seeks an independent role in the fight against terrorism, but the lack of growth of standard military and security power in line with the development of normative power faces this union with a challenge and continues to rely on NATO under the leadership of the United States. The surge of terrorist activities in the territorial sphere of the European Union, the perceptual and psychological environment of the strategic and security policy-makers of the European Union on how to deal with terrorism, the specific attitude of right-wing European statesmen towards trends of terrorism, and the lack of social integration of Middle Eastern Muslim immigrants in European norms have led to more alignment and coherence of the European Union's strategic and security policies against terrorist movements.

The Middle East and North Africa constitute one of the strategic and most significant regions in the world with a turbulent history. The region witnessed the birth of various countries and tense developments from the second decade of the 20th century until the middle of the century, and most of the countries in the region, including Arabic countries and Israel, emerged during the period. In this regard, the countries in the region have experienced conflicts, wars, invasions, and, sometimes, peace, in their relations with Israel. The latest development in this respect is the Saudi-led normalization of ties between some Arabic countries and Israel to oppose Iran and its axis of resistance. Though this has posed a number of threats to Iran’s national security, some opportunities are evident in it, as well. Thus, the main question of the present study is what opportunities the normalization of ties between Saudi Arabia and Israel can have for the empowerment of the axis of resistance. The study utilizes a descriptive and analytical methodology to answer the question, and the overall result of the study – i.e., the tested hypothesis – shows that opportunities like the creation of chasms between the government and society in Saudi Arabia, the pressure felt by Fatah and the need to reconcile with Hamas, Muslims’ reaction to the negation of the Palestinian Dream by Saudis, the creation of chasms between the government and society of Israel, and the gradual withdrawal of the U.S. from the region are all factors that can boost the axis of resistance based on the existence of groups who oppose the process of normalization across Saudi Arabia, Israel, and the Islamic world at large.

The fair distribution of facilities and the correct implementation of distributive justice in multi-ethnic so-cieties increases unity among different ethnicities and increases people's trust in the political system, and as a result, reduces inequalities and eliminates social gaps. The purpose of this research is to investigate the attitude of the Turkmen people towards distributive justice in Golestan province. The research meth-od is a survey, and information has been collected using a questionnaire. The statistical population of this research is all Turkmen people with at least diploma education, living in Golestan province. System-atic random sampling method and sample size based on Cochran's formula is 207 people. Statistical analysis was done using PLS software. The model extracted from examining the relationship between satisfaction with governance and the components of distributive justice showed that the path coeffi-cients between distributive justice in the political (0.371), economic (0.253) and cultural (0.154) dimen-sions show a positive and significant relationship with satisfaction with governance. However, no signifi-cant relationship was observed between social justice and satisfaction with governance despite the exist-ence of a positive relationship (0.110); Therefore, the results obtained from the research show that there is a significant relationship between distributive justice and satisfaction with governance, and Turkmen people believe that justice is not equally distributed among different ethnic groups in the society, which requires special attention in development planning.

Space has increasingly shaped the discourse of international relations in the 21st century. Space has always been an attractive area for cooperation and competition between governments and especially great powers. Space is a relatively new and developing scene in the international system. The launch of Sputnik not only created the space race, but also accelerated the arms race and intensified the Cold War between the two rival superpowers. During the Cold War, the United States and the Soviet Union dominated space activities. At the same time as the competition that has formed in space, there are sometimes collaborations, the International Space Station is one of the projects that brings together space countries and is seen as a symbol of cooperation between governments in space. However, there is still a sense of competition for supremacy in space even in the presence of such cooperation among all governments, whether those who are superior in terms of space technology or those who have less technological ability. The main question in this article is what role does space play in cooperation and competition between great powers? The hypothesis is that the great powers were always competing and seeking superiority in space from the beginning, and based on the theory of neo-realism, they cooperate with each other in space only to secure their interests and protect their space assets.

Public policy-making is a six-stage cycle, and the implementation of policies is one of the most sensitive stages of its formulation, failure in this stage leads to the failure of the entire policy-making process. Also, policy-making includes an interactive process between setting goals and necessary actions to realize them, which may be disrupted by many challenges, obstacles, and limitations. In this research, the goal was Pathology of implementation of rural development policies in the fourth and fifth development plans. This research is applied in terms of its purpose and descriptive and survey based on the nature of the data. The results of the research are presented in two qualitative and quantitative sections. In the main and qualitative part of the research, using the Delphi technique, we investigated the damage of rural development in the fourth and fifth programs. At first, using the opinions of experts, the gap between the existing state of rural development and the ideal state was determined, and based on the opinions of experts and the T-Tech test, it was determined that there is a fundamental difference between the current state and the ideal state. and in the current situation in the indicators of employment status, housing, medical and treatment facilities, digital infrastructure, transportation and communication route, industrial agriculture, welfare and recreation, cultural-educational, tourism and underground water the average quality was low. Therefore, the necessity of carrying out the pathology of the implementation of rural development policies became clearer. Then, based on the theoretical background of the research, as well as interviewing and completing the questionnaire by specialists and research elites, the indicators of developmental pathology were compiled, and finally, the final model of the questionnaire was compiled, and the quantitative results of the questionnaire were extracted based on the answers of the participants in the research. In the quantitative analysis and chi square test results, it was shown that the role of policy indicators, juridical and legal obstacles, political, social and economic factors, motivations and attitudes of executives, administrative system and bureaucracy, are insufficient and inappropriate. The lack of tools is significant in the absence of rural development.

Iraqi Kurdistan has adopted an independent foreign policy from the Iraqi central government in the past two decades; This foreign policy is based on a different model and strategy that aims at independence. In this regard, considering the importance and determinant nature of Iran’s regional policy in the face of regional developments such as the disintegration of neighboring countries along with Tehran’s position on the independence of Iraqi Kurdistan, Erbil is leveraging a strategic model of balance of threat towards the confrontation between Tehran and Tel Aviv. Accordingly, the present study seeks to explain why and how this strategy is adopted by the Iraqi Kurdistan towards the confrontation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Zionist regime. Therefore, the main question is "what is the rationale for Iraqi Kurdistan to understand Iranian threat?" The hypothesis is that due to its historical components, different organizational and social identities, differences in power levels and personal factors (mindsets of the leaders), The Iraqi Kurdistan sees the Islamic Republic of Iran as an obstacle in the way of realization of the its independence. Therefore, Iraqi Kurdistan in the Zionism-Iranian confrontation pursues a unique strategy based on the balance of threat. This essay is an analytical-explanatory study that has been done through using a combination of theoretical frameworks of balance of threat and constructivism. Furthermore, the research method in this essay is based on trend analysis.

This article examines the evolution of Iran’s foreign policy in response to both regional and global shifts. It explores how Iranian Neighbourhood Policy, initially focused on countering the perceived threat from the Arab-Israeli axis and preventing the realization of the “Deal of the Century” plan, has been impacted by recent geopolitical developments. These include the 2023 Israel-Hamas War, the normalization talks between Israel and Saudi Arabia, and broader shifts towards a multipolar world order. The article argues that while Iran's policy aimed to economically integrate with neighboring countries, including Saudi Arabia, to counterbalance growing Israeli influence, the recent war has altered the regional dynamics. Khataei suggests that the roots of Iranian Neighbourhood Policy might need to shift from a focus on insecurity and anti-Israeli cooperation towards a broader civilizational approach, seeking regional hegemony through cultural and economic influence. Furthermore, the article highlights the role of external factors, such as Iran’s integration into Asian economies, particularly with Russia and China, as vital to the future of its foreign policy strategy. The article calls for a reassessment of Iranian goals in light of these developments, emphasizing the importance of adapting to the new geopolitical landscape.

Iran is a country that is currently facing severe sanctions and criticism from international institutions regarding gender equality.  One important aspect of measuring gender equality is the allocation of funds for women in annual budget laws, which may be impacted by these sanctions. Therefore, this article aims to explore the relationship between women's budgets and international sanctions.  The study focuses on budget laws and international sanctions from 2009 to 2024, divided into two parts.  The first part examines the allocation of funds for women in the absence of gender budgeting while also considering factors such as annual inflation. This statement could assist in evaluating the level of gender equality to a certain degree.  The second part analyzes the relationship between each section of the women's budget and international sanctions. The findings reveal that despite the challenges posed by sanctions, the government has made significant efforts to maintain gender equality in budget laws.

The rapid dissemination of news and the creation of media hype have made social media high-ly powerful in the battle for public opinion. However, today, social media acts as a double-edged sword in covering the Gaza war. While it provides unprecedented coverage opportuni-ties, it also faces serious challenges. Despite limitations such as the rapid spread of infor-mation—which opens the door to misinformation and raises fact-checking concerns—social media in the United States has sought to support Israel. This has heightened suspicions of manipulation, division, and narrative distortion in the eyes of global public opinion. From this perspective, the present article, using a descriptive-analytical method, aims to answer the key question: What role do American media play in supporting Israel in the war against Palestine? The research findings indicate that the gaps in the coverage of the Gaza war by American me-dia significantly influence public opinion and seek to shape the discourse surrounding it. As a result, they contribute to a one-dimensional narrative that, by inadequately presenting Pales-tinian perspectives, omitting essential historical and cultural contexts, and neglecting to hu-manize those most affected, reinforces misconceptions and biases. This has, in turn, led to a decline in the perception of democracy in the eyes of public opinion.