خاورمیانه

The Middle East region has been a longstanding major source of concern for American leaders due to its eternal religious and cultural relevance, a strategically pivotal location, huge oil reserves, interlocked and intractable conflicts, and the persistence of major security threats such as terrorism and the risk of nuclear proliferation. <br />The Middle East region is undergoing security shifts. Regional security in the Middle East will be changed in Trump era. Security and power in each region has connected, empowered and influenced a new generation of young people, who are questioning political authority with new intensity. <br />The outcomes of the Arab Spring mostly disappointed the world and its policymakers. The region is violent; disfigured by inter and intrastate conflict and by sectarian divisions. Power and security in Middle East countries has been fragmented. The nature of security in Middle East policy is based on Proxy war and Non-state actor’s initiation. Non-state actor who are active in the region, are both a symptom of state weakness and amplify the threats to states. <br /> The Middle East region recognize with economic bedrock of the regional security as exports of hydrocarbons is under threat. Surveying the region shows that, in the throes of historic turmoil and facing massive challenges. The US, UK and other European countries has critical interests in the region, both economic and security. Moreover, what is happening in the Middle East, it will be expanded to other regions and does not stay in the Middle East. In this situation, Trump’s policy and strategy lead to instability, turmoil and power transition. For control and leading this process, world politics to need co-operational security model with other great powers and regional actors like Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia. <br />This article, by descriptive-analytical method, seeks to study the "Trump’s Grand strategy in the Middle East". the main hypothesis emphasis that “U.S strategy on Middle East in Donald Trump policy based on offshore balancing, proxy war and increasing chaos’’. <br />  <br /> 

Since 1971, the United States follows Israel's security and ensuring the security of energy flow goals in the Middle East. Is the pattern that U.S. adopted to achieve these goals in Foreign Policy is subject to change in the future? To achieve these goals, America tried to take the Middle East geo-economic points including the Persian Gulf under its political –security control since World War II. At geopolitical points near Israel, it perused the change of elite's decision in countries such as Egypt and Jordan and Regime Change in countries such as Iraq and Syria. Entering countries such as England, France and Turkey, the results shows that America Will attempt to govern a multilateral security system in the Persian Gulf in the future, but it pursues decision change in geopolitical areas and political structure change with the priority of federalism in Weak countries. <br />  <br /> 

From emergence of ancient civilizations in pre-history era to the dawn of early 21st century in contemporary history, the world has witnessed a variety of ways according to which members of international community tried to solve their disputes and find peaceful solutions for their conflicts. However, a very recent mechanism, which proved to be fruitful, is moving towards integration and convergence within the region they belong to.  <br />Defining and drawing the lines of common interest is the first step in this long road. It is the objective of this paper to explore that how moving towards regional integration based on geographical closeness, cultural interaction, and economic cooperation can create the framework for a geopolitics in the Middle East leading to a new regional subsystem in international system ending decades of bloody wars and costly destruction and promising a better future with peace, stability and welfare for its nations. The paper also argues that a minimum level of mutual understanding, mutual trust, and political will, and less intervention by outsiders are among necessary preconditions for this process to begin. The paper finally evaluates the challenges facing this approach from an Iranian perspective. <br />  <br />