conflict

Discussing two common critiques on theological interpretations of the concept of the highest good in Kant’s moral philosophy in his paper, Two Conceptions of the Highest Good in Kant, Reath has invited readers to have a secular interpretation of this concept and pointed out its advantages. In the present paper, we will attempt to provide the main principles of Reath’s claims and demonstrate why Kant has stated both of these interpretations in all of his critical works—a subject that has confused Reath. For this purpose, we will indicate that in both of the above interpretations, Kant has offered the concept of the highest good in a historical context, in which the intellectual idea of the highest good as a desired ultimate totality makes the intellect to grow in history and cultivate the talents of human kind through numerous conflicts embedded in nature.

In the post 9/11, the discursive construction of identity through discourses has become a norm in international politics in justifying foreign policies. What makes us believe is the interpretation given by dominant discourse through text, speeches, or media. Discourses not only construct a narrative on the national and international front but also rationalize certain policies and make other unthinkable. This is how it happened in Pakistan’s tribal areas[1]. The Pashtun social and cultural identity is mispresented through mainstream discourse as a cause of the conflict both in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Drawing on Lene Hansen post-structuralist discourse theory, this paper questions Pakistan''s mainstream discourse and evaluates how and why Pashtun social identity is discursively co-constituted in post 9/11? The paper argues that the discursive construction of Pashtun’s identity not only rationalizes geopolitics but also justifies the ongoing conflict in the tribal areas. The paper further argues that the prolonged conflict in the region should be understood as a regional power struggle for serving their geostrategic objective.

Since 1950s, Iran and Saudi Arabia have considered each other as a rival and competition between two countries includes a wide range of issues. This field of competition along with a number of material and spiritual factors has caused conflicts in the relations of Tehran-Riyadh. Owing to this fact, a series of perceptions have occupied their minds which can be called a discourse. The discourse consisted of a set of factors such as religion, ethnicity and the nature of the political system. This research seeks to study the role and position of culture in advent of conflicts in Iran and Saudi Arabia’s relations. The methodology of the article is based on data analysis and content analysis. The results of the research indicate that the dualization of Arab/Ajam, Shiite-Sunni antagonism, and the conservative/ revolutionary approaches are the cultural foundations of conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia. These findings show that an increase in cultural interactions, especially through non-governmental organizations and informal channels can reform perceptions and decrease tensions. Iran and Saudi Arabia can improve relations through emphasis on common grounds e.g. common beliefs, common interests in confrontation terrorism and stability in region.

Strategic policy is tantamount to a method for foreign policy analysis. The foreign and strategic policies of Iran have been in line with multilateral cooperation in regional crises. The key indicators of Iran’s policy comprise mechanisms of identity and revolutionary actions in international and regional relations. Iran’s strategic policy has generally been formed on the pillars of multilateral cooperation with regional countries and in line with the unity of the Muslim world. Iran has accepted many of the rules of the Westphalian system, and has therefore based its strategic policy orientation on the doctrine of adaptability to the world order. Iran’s policy of managing regional crises has generally been based on cultural tenets, historical experiences and structural consequences. Each of the latter components has played a crucial role in Iran’s Westphalian order paradigm for protecting the territories of other countries. The experiences gained by Iran during the Holy Defense [Iran-Iraq War] and its acceptance of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 598 are indicative of the fact that Iran has employed pragmatic mechanisms with regard to regional conservative countries. Iran’s nuclear diplomacy can be regarded as another sign of its structural action which aims to deter threats and manage crises. The acceptance of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action and Iran’s efforts toward peacemaking in the regional order of the Persian Gulf and Middle East can be considered as actions taken by Iran toward confronting terrorist groups and organizing regional order under such circumstances as violence, crises and chaos.

A conflict can involve anything from a personal disagreement between two people to the emergence of a world war. When a conflict arises, a combination of the main components of geopolitics (geography, politics and power) plays a role in its formation. Thus, the roots of the conflict can be explained in the frame of the principles of geopolitics. Most of the conflicts in Africa occur in 0-15 degrees north. The current study is a work of “basic research”. In terms of nature and method, it is “descriptive” and in terms of attitude, it falls in the category of “descriptive-analytic” research. Data gathering was done by a documentary method and through consulting library resources. The data analysis method was qualitative. The research set out to find an answer to the following question: “From a geopolitical point of view, which factors affect interstate and intrastate conflicts in circle 0 to 15th parallel north of Africa?” The current study has explained the roots of the conflicts from a geopolitical perspective through studying the conflicts in circle 0 to 15th parallel north of Africa. This study led to the presentation and introduction of 26 geopolitical root causes for conflicts.

In today's world, countries choose to pursue their own interests in foreign policy, the most common and least cost of which is diplomacy, which, as an independent tool, is widely used in intergovernmental relations. In the discussion of environmental problems and protection of the marine environment, diplomacy is also considered a tool to advance the goals and interests of governments. In this article, the descriptive and analytical method of environmental diplomacy from conflict to cooperation is studied and analyzed. This research seeks to explain the pattern in the context of environmental diplomacy from conflict to cooperation. The findings of this study indicate that environmental challenges both on land and in the seas and oceans arise from climate change, changing rainfall patterns, expanding industry and agriculture, population growth, reducing resources, and increasing conflicts over natural resources and foundations. Biological, exploitation of natural resources in the form of deforestation, Desertification and uncontrolled marine hunting, use of various toxins to combat plant and animal pests to disturb the ecological balance and degradation of the aquatic and terrestrial environment on a local, regional, national, regional and global scale. Therefore, the need for environmental diplomacy to identify common threats and dangers to the global environment and efforts in the form of common commitments and to deal with these threats and dangers and to protect the environment and resources on Earth, the need for environmental diplomacy is inevitable. Environmental protection is also essential for the sustainable development of the seas. From this perspective, maritime and environmental diplomacy complements macro-diplomacy and provides policymakers with a wide range of tools and options. Finally, the activation of maritime and environmental diplomacy is an effective step towards sustainable development, especially sustainable maritime development in coastal countries.

China's foreign policy has undergone a real change since World War II. Since the economic recovery, Beijing has adopted a coherent and clear strategy for all regions, including the Eurasian macro-region. The research question is “what model can be used to analyze China's foreign policy strategy in Eurasia and what is Iran's position in this strategy?’’ In response, China's foreign policy strategy in Eurasia can be analyzed from the Western point of view according to the Hobbesian realist model, from the Russian point of view according to Locke’s competitive opportunity-threat model, and finally from the Chinese point of view according to the Kantian model of cooperation. The results also show that Iran is increasingly important in China's foreign policy strategy in Eurasia, but Chinese pragmatism under the influence of international sanctions has made Turkey and Pakistan the main priorities in the country's strategy in Eurasia. The purpose of this research is to examine the patterns of analysis of China's foreign policy strategy in Eurasia with an emphasis on Iran's position. The method of this research is case adaptation to the theory.

This paper discusses the role of religions and specifically, religious leaders, in peacebuilding. To achieve the purpose, in the first place, the authors shed light on the controversial issue among scholars perceiving religion more commonly as a source of conflict, or rather than  a tool for peacebuilding. Accepting the constructive and productive role of religions in general, and Islam in particular, in peacebuilding, the paper also explores the role of concepts such as forgiveness, patience, and human dignity in peacebuilding. Having applied this conceptual framework, this article studies peacebuilding in post-war Iraq. The findings revealed that the role of religious leaders (Marjaiah), mainly Ayatollah Sistani, has been significant in the process of peacebuilding in Iraq. He has played a crucial role in this process through the revival of human dignity in light of public will, pursuing justice in terms of the Constitution, self-restraint as a basis for political stability and, religionization of forgiveness and tolerance. Data is accumulated through content analysis of Ayatollah Sistani’s speeches and Fatwas.