ژئوپلیتیک

Political revolutions have the ability to expand and escalate in the surrounding environment. The United States, as a central player in the Western world, uses the mechanisms of aggressive action against neighboring countries and resistance groups. Iran's regional strategy in the years after the Cold War has been "comprehensive support for the resistance front" and "combating a system of domination". Such an approach has led to an increase in security conflicts between America and Iran. America has used the "offshore balancing strategy" to contain and limit Iran. Offshore balancing as a part of America's security policy has been dedicated to limit Iran's influence. The third and fourth waves of the technological revolution have left their impact on the process and nature of regional crises. Every country needs to use crisis management mechanisms to reduce its strategic costs in the era of "escalating crises". According to such an idea, the main question of the article is: What are the characteristics of strategic politics in the era of progressive regional crises? How can it be controlled, limited and restrained? The hypothesis of the article emphasizes that: Strategic policy-making in the era of regional and international crises will be based on crisis management mechanisms. Crisis management is achieved through multilateralism, international cooperation, mediation and general participation of actors.

Following the contemporary globalization process, cities have gained a strong presence in world politics, and by connecting to international urban networks, they play an effective role in the common interests of themselves and other urban actors. The current research aims to investigate the requirements of forming an international union of cities around the Persian Gulf by strengthening city diplomacy in the region with the benefit of a descriptive-analytical method. In this regard, the background of economic and social relations and the region's current situation have been investigated using reliable sources and articles. Finally, the model of city diplomacy in the Persian Gulf region has been presented. The research findings show that the cities of this region have moved in the direction of divergence despite the presence of many convergence factors, and the formation of an international urban union in the region will play an effective role in increasing convergence and greater peace in the region.

The Middle East has witnessed many identity conflicts and rising violent extremist groups after 2003. The most prominent one has been the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), which has come to the sphere of politics, in the post Arab Spring era. The goal of this paper is to examine the roots of the emergence of violent extremist groups, principally with reference to ISIS rising in Iraq. To do this authors propose “the four-dimensional thick recognition” model that consists of four concepts i.e., 1) historical narratives, 2) self-esteem 3) ontological security, and 4) hubristic identity. This model highlights that historical narratives of conflict, along with lack of self-esteem leads to feeling of ontological insecurity. This, in turn, leads to a kind of hubristic identity crisis, which often paves the way through struggle for regaining it. By content analysis of major texts published by the ISIS through two major magazines, namely Dabiq and Rumiyah, we try to demonstrate how the rise of ISIS was rooted in the issue of thick recognition failure. The paper concludes that thick recognition failure in these four phases, led to the establishment of violent extremist groups particularly in regions with memories of conflict.

Futurology is an interdisciplinary field of research that predicts and presents possible futures using diverse methods. Also, Security is the most famous concept in human history and the pursuit of a secure state has been the first choice of political units throughout history. Accordingly, the futurology of the security of Iran is the main topic of this article, which tries to present the secure state and possible and optimal scenarios for the security of Iran in the twenty-year vision. In other words, the objective of this article is to identify the geopolitical criteria affecting the security of Iran and to introduce its desirable security future with a futuristic approach in the twenty-year vision. This article is fundamental research that uses quantitative and qualitative models. First, with the help of existing studies in security, its criteria are classified into six groups: military, economic, geographical, cultural, political, and environmental. Second, the effective criteria for the security of Iran are presented, and third, the opinions of experts are collected through a questionnaire. The data and key criteria for optimal security of Iran in the new century were analyzed and extracted by the TOPSIS method. The results showed that the three criteria of ‘Strengthen infrastructure’, ‘Impacts of Climate Change’, and ‘Increasing military capabilities' are the key geopolitical criteria of the security for Iran. These three criteria create eight security scenarios. Finally, the scenario of ‘strengthen multidimensional infrastructure, adapt to climate change, and increase hardware military capabilities’ with a higher score, should be the criterion for formulating the roposed security perspective of Iran in the new century.

Hydropolitical relations between different actors can include a range of behaviors from peace to military conflict. Because of the multiplicity of scales and discourses, hydropolitical relations are affected by various factors that have not been studied coherently in hydropolitics literature. The purpose of this research is to expound on the factors that impact hydropolitical relations, and measure their relative significance. To this end, 12 macro factors and 61 secondary factors were detected for the design of the questionnaire based on the library data in the field of hydropolitical relations. In order to rank factors, the AHP method questionnaire was used, which was completed by 10 experts in the field of hydropolitics studies. Based on the results, the 12 macro effective factors were ordered as: climate, geography, water resources shortage, water resources management, legal, political, environmental, economic, military, security, cultural, and technological factors.

This research engages in a comparative analysis of the two most dangerous jihadist terrorist organizations in Iraq: Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIS). The central hypothesis suggests that ISIS poses a more significant risk to social harmony in Iraq than Al-Qaeda. The primary goal of this study is to assess and compare the distinct impact of these prominent terrorist groups on social peace in the Iraqi context. By examining their respective ideologies, strategies, and targeted demographics, this research aims to shed light on the varying levels of threat they pose to communal cohesion and regional security. To achieve these objectives, a qualitative methodology was employed, utilizing secondary sources to investigate the threats that Al-Qaeda and ISIS pose to social peace in Iraq. The findings of this study provide compelling evidence supporting the claim that ISIS (Daesh) presents a significantly greater threat to social peace in Iraq compared to the terrorist organization Al-Qaeda. .

The Persian Gulf has long been a major geopolitical target of debate between Iran and Saudi Arabia, whose relations exert the greatest degree of influence over geopolitical affairs and proceedings of this region. In the course of the past decade, these long-standing relations sustained various political blemishes and tensions, the aftermath of which ushered in the withering of the region. Yet, current shifts in the status of Iran/Arabia relations bespeak of eases in such tensions, which in practical terms can significantly change the geopolitics of the Persian Gulf, promising improvements in the economics, security, and military standing of this region. In this light, the present study proceeds with an analysis of the key factors and influential drivers affecting the prospective geopolitics of the Persian Gulf, with an emphasis on relations between the two countries thereof. In terms of methodology, this study is an applied research employing data obtained via interviews with experts of the field. As evident from the findings, the most influential parameters affecting the geopolitics of the Persian Gulf include factors of trans-regional partners, authoritative powers, joint markets, maritime cooperation, oil and gas trades, arms races, intra-regional conflicts, currency relations, transit of goods and interventions by China. Taking into account such factors allows for a geopolitical convergence in the region.This future study regarding the sources of tension and  regional opportunities in the Persian Gulf, particularly from the perspective of constructive strategies in the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia, benefits from the use of innovative research techniques..

Following the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003 and the establishment of governments based on the people's votes, due to the long-standing religious and cultural ties between the peoples of Iran and Iraq, the ground for Iran's activism in the geopolitics of this country was provided. Iran's regional policy, while observing the principles of good neighborliness and non-interference, has taken a special and strategic view of these developments and has acted in an effort to secure national interests. In this regard, three patterns regarding Iran's activism in Iraq's geopolitics are proposed, which include the pattern of passive activism or non-participation, interactive activism, and activism based on soft power and economic links. Examining these three patterns and the advantages and disadvantages associated with each one, and analysis regarding which pattern will be more likely to provide Iran's national interests are the main topics of this article. Based on the results of this research, Iran can have a unique position in Iraq's geopolitics due to its relative advantages compared to other actors. Based on this, an effective regional policy to deepen the relations between Iran and Iraq, on the one hand, is focused on social relations that are rooted in culture, religion, language and common race, and on the other hand, it is focused on deepening economic relations and establishing mutual dependence. 

The decades-long imbroglio in Afghanistan has negative impacts on both the domestic and foreign affairs of Pakistan. Along with other economic, political and strategic impacts, it also negatively impacts the interests and connectivity with energy-rich Central Asian Republics. The primary objective of this study is to explore the impacts of Afghanistan’s issue on Pakistan’s engagement in Central Asia. The imbroglio is impacting Pakistan's engagement with Central Asia in two ways. First, Afghanistan is located on the crossroad; all the shortest routes connecting Pakistan with Central Asia cross through its territory. Therefore, the insecurity in the country made it unconducive for any connectivity project. Trans-Afghan railway project, TAPI, TAP-500, CASA-1000, and many other projects between the two regions are still a dream. Second, the Afghan policy of Pakistan to support the Taliban was not liked by the CARs. It has also negatively impacted Pakistan's engagement with them. This study is based on the Complex Interdependence Theory, which helps to understand why, despite these problems and differences, Pakistan and CARs are cooperating and working together.

Since the beginning, Indonesia’s foreign policy has adhered to the “free-active” principle. Nevertheless, the facts demonstrate that during President Sukarno’s administration, Indonesia’s foreign policy was considered to be leaning left and close to communist countries. During the Suharto era, Indonesia, on the other hand, grew closer to the West, specifically the United States and its allies. The succession of post-Suharto leadership, from Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid, and Megawati to Yudhoyono, major countries particularly the United States, continues to influence the pattern of Indonesia’s foreign policy. This pattern of foreign policy appears to have also had an effect on Indonesia’s defence posture and orientation. The question that should be addressed is: to what extent do great powers influence Indonesia’s defence policy during Jokowi administration? In the midst of various issues ranging from the maritime fulcrum, the sink the vessels’ policy, the issue of purchasing Russian-made fighter aircraft, the Sukhoi Su-35, and China’s Belt and Road initiative projects, have triggered reactions from neighbouring countries and major powers. Using a historical explanatory approach, this article argues that Indonesia’s defence strategy has been influenced by great powers since its foundation. Furthermore, despite Jokowi’s efforts to show that Indonesia is an independent and neutral country it remains under the influence of great powers.

The current study looks at New Eurasianism as a fundamental ideology of Russia's geopolitical strategy, New Political economy in shadow of its economic integration towards the Eurasian region. New Eurasianism has called for greater cooperation among civilizations and the development of a polycentric world pattern, promoting investment, trade, security, and infrastructure. The study examines key international actors, principally China and the European Union (EU), in the context of their responses to Russia's Eurasian project, by using qualitative approach. The approach of China is to have a strategic partnership with Russia with the aim of fighting US unchallenged dominance and for regional peace. Given its dependence on Russian energy, the EU is combining economic sanctions with energy cooperation. The findings show the influential role played by New Eurasianism in advocating the establishment of a multipolar world order and reforming the global geopolitical architecture with various strategic partnerships and regional integration projects.

Africa is of high significance for both developing and developed nations due to its geopolitical position, economic issues, cultural traditions, and the substantial number of Africans in international organizations and institutions. The Islamic Republic of Iran, driven by revolutionary objectives and national interests, cannot overlook Africa. Generally, In the discourse of the Iranian Islamic revolution, Africa is perceived as an oppressed continent under colonial influence with a significant Muslim population. However, despite being described as having a "strategic position" in Iran's foreign policy by Iranian officials, a closer examination of the peak periods of Iran-Africa interactions reveals that their engagement has remained limited. This paper aims to assess the status of Africa within the overarching foreign policy strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It seeks to address the question of Africa's place in Iran's strategic planning and development programs. It evaluating the content of “development plan” directives and the performance of Iranian governments since 1995 using post-event analysis and trend research methods. The findings indicate that despite Africa's importance; Iranian policymakers have never formulated a coherent strategy for effective presence in Africa. Consequently, Iran's policies in Africa have been more focused on "meta-political" statements, lacking both evaluative and measurable frameworks as well as enforcement guarantees. This study demonstrates that Iran's policies in Africa have been driven by the motivations of ambassadors and the preferences and judgments of executors, with no consistent program pursued to achieve its true goals.

The Indo-Pacific region has become increasingly central to global politics, reflecting significant shifts in geopolitical dynamics. This paper investigates the evolving relationship between India and Iran, focusing on their strategic ambitions and the broader geopolitical implications within the Indo-Pacific context. Key attention in the study has been given to the strategic importance of Chabahar Port, which serves as India's crucial gateway to Afghanistan and Central Asia, enhancing its connectivity and influence in the region. Additionally, the paper explores India's participation in emerging alliances, analyzing both the challenges and opportunities these partnerships present. The study has incorporateed SPSS regression analysis, examining the factors influencing India's strategic decisions and the impact of its alliances on regional stability and prosperity. By employing this statistical approach, the paper quantitatively assesses the correlations between various geopolitical and economic variables, offering a nuanced understanding of India's strategic posture with Iran in the Indo-Pacific region.