Ethnicity

Existing evidence seems to indicate that Muslims in Scotland have constructed hyphenated or hybrid identities that draw on religion, ethnicity and nationality. However, minor attention has been given to the differences in importance, meanings, and strengths of these identities, or the significance of their identity markers. Ethnic minority people can be identified with both their ethnic groups and their country of residence; each identity can be either strong or weak, or identification with both can be high. The extent and degree of identification with specific identity markers (such as ethnicity, nationality or religion) can be varied and subjected to difference. This paper discusses the importance, meaning, and strength of these markers in Muslims’ identity negotiation in Scotland through an analysis of the importance of ethnicity, religion and nation. Drawing on a study based on twenty-seven semi-structured and qualitative interviews carried out in 2011 with second-generation[1] Muslims across Scotland’s major cities and small towns, this research suggests the importance of social imposition (labelling behaviour and mis-recognition), family education and cultural ties in varying the meanings and the strength of  second-generation Muslims’ national and ethnic identities in Scotland. In addition, this paper  highlights the significance of various levels of religiosity in differentiating the meanings and strength of participants’ religious identities. [1] In this paper, ‘first generations’ are those Muslims who were born outside the UK and immigrated to UK and the term ‘second generation’ refers to those Muslims who were born in the UK to non-native parents.

Purpose: The aim of this study was to investigate the position of ethnicity in formal and hidden curricula of the new secondary education system. Methodology: The present research method was qualitative analysis of content analysis which consisted of two parts. The first part of the research included documentary analysis and content analysis. The statistical population included 51 books in the field of humanities in the second secondary school. The research sampling method was purposeful sampling and the research sample included 6 volumes of history and sociology books of the second secondary school. The content analysis unit consisted of text, images, and textbook activities. To evaluate the content validity was used experts' opinion about the degree of coordination of the content of the measurement tool and the purpose of the research. On the other hand, in order to ensure its reliability, Scott method was used. Based on the obtained reliability coefficient (79) it was quite stable. In the second part of the research, the research method was qualitative and ethnographic, and various tools such as student journals, photographs, semi-structured and informal interviews and observation were used to collect research data. To analyze the data in this section, qualitative content analysis was used by Smith method. Finally, to ensure the accuracy of the findings in this section, Triangulation method and re-referral of data to participants were used. Findings: The findings of the research in the first part showed that only 4% of the three sections of the content from the reviewed books paid attention to the 22 desirable components of ethnicity. Also in data analysis based on Smith method in the second part of the research, various themes including ethnicity neglect, teachers 'ignorance, different teachers' expectations, ethnicity as a cause of discrimination and the consequences of ethnic discrimination appeared. Each of them contained several sub-themes. Conclusion: Based on the findings, it can be acknowledged that the place of ethnicity in the formal and hidden curricula of the new secondary school system has been largely neglected. Therefore, due to the multiplicity of Iranian society, it is suggested that the curriculums of the secondary schools be completely revised to cover the necessary components for multicultural education and ethnic diversity in Iran.

Turkey as one of the regional actors in the Middle East has taken the ‘Look East’ policy in its foreign policy since 2002, when the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has come to power. Although the relations between Turkey and Afghanistan have a historical background dating back to the Ottoman, but the geopolitical and geostrategic position of Afghanistan has doubled its significance for Turkish politicians during the NeoOttomanism, the situation which has emerged in Turkish politics, especially its cultural diplomacy over Afghanistan Since the rise to power of the AKP. So, in this article, the main question is, what are the objectives and tools of Turkish cultural diplomacy in Afghanistan during the AKP era? In response to this question, the main hypothesis is that Turkey's cultural diplomacy during the AKP era was based on the use of shared linguistic, ethnic and religious values to strengthen Turkey's soft power in Afghanistan as well as the hegemony of Turkey in the region.

A conflict can involve anything from a personal disagreement between two people to the emergence of a world war. When a conflict arises, a combination of the main components of geopolitics (geography, politics and power) plays a role in its formation. Thus, the roots of the conflict can be explained in the frame of the principles of geopolitics. Most of the conflicts in Africa occur in 0-15 degrees north. The current study is a work of “basic research”. In terms of nature and method, it is “descriptive” and in terms of attitude, it falls in the category of “descriptive-analytic” research. Data gathering was done by a documentary method and through consulting library resources. The data analysis method was qualitative. The research set out to find an answer to the following question: “From a geopolitical point of view, which factors affect interstate and intrastate conflicts in circle 0 to 15th parallel north of Africa?” The current study has explained the roots of the conflicts from a geopolitical perspective through studying the conflicts in circle 0 to 15th parallel north of Africa. This study led to the presentation and introduction of 26 geopolitical root causes for conflicts.

Inequality and its increasing process is one of the obsessions of politicians and researchers of politics domain all around the world. In political geography terminology the issue is called spatial injustice. In fact, the main focus of spatial justice is identifying and expounding the political, economic and social factors and processes paving the way for injustice and also its consequences. African States affected by imposed and optional factors have the most multiethnic diversity and have also experienced most and dangerous ethnic conflicts in the world. Ethiopia is one of the African States which have experienced long range of ethnic conflicts. This paper using descriptive-analytic method is intended to expound the role-playing of spatial justice in the formation and continuation of ethnic conflicts in Ethiopia. In fact, the main question of the article is, what effect has spatial injustice had on ethnic conflicts in Ethiopia? The research findings show that ethnic conflicts affected by spatial injustice are categorized into two main categories: first, organized and continuous conflicts which are prevalent in Shinaiel and Afdar of Somali region in East of Ethiopia, Central State and OLF conflicts in Oromo and ARDUF conflicts with Ethiopian state; second, ethnic and tribal conflicts which are visible in different regions of Ethiopia.