مطالب

Purpose: This study aims to examine the moral curriculum in Iranian schools in Dubai, assesses its alignment with the National Curriculum Document of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and proposes strategies for optimization. Methodology: A mixed-methods approach was employed, combining qualitative methodologies. Content analysis was conducted on moral education textbooks from grades one to nine used in Iranian schools in Dubai and the National Curriculum Document of Iran. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 20 teachers and 5 curriculum planners to gain insights into teaching methods and evaluation practices. Colaizzi’s phenomenological method was used to analyze interview data, and thematic analysis was performed using qualitative data analysis software. Findings: The content analysis revealed that the moral curriculum in Iranian schools in Dubai follows a Western framework compatible with Islamic principles, emphasizing cultural studies, individual and social development, character-moral education, and civic studies. However, significant discrepancies were found when compared to the National Curriculum Document, which emphasizes virtues such as patience, courage, respect, empathy, chastity, trustworthiness, justice, and honesty. The Dubai curriculum focuses more on secular ethics and civic responsibilities. Proposed strategies for optimization include incorporating content aligned with the National Curriculum, enhancing cultural and recreational activities, organizing book reading competitions, and providing professional development for teachers. Conclusion: The study underscores the complexity of delivering moral education in a transnational context, where curricula must balance national values with the multicultural environment of the host country. The findings highlight the need for a more integrated approach that incorporates Islamic values while addressing the diverse backgrounds of students. By adopting the proposed strategies, Iranian schools in Dubai can enhance the moral and ethical development of their students, aligning more closely with national educational goals and effectively promoting Islamic ethical principles alongside necessary civic and social competencies.

Since the beginning, Indonesia’s foreign policy has adhered to the “free-active” principle. Nevertheless, the facts demonstrate that during President Sukarno’s administration, Indonesia’s foreign policy was considered to be leaning left and close to communist countries. During the Suharto era, Indonesia, on the other hand, grew closer to the West, specifically the United States and its allies. The succession of post-Suharto leadership, from Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid, and Megawati to Yudhoyono, major countries particularly the United States, continues to influence the pattern of Indonesia’s foreign policy. This pattern of foreign policy appears to have also had an effect on Indonesia’s defence posture and orientation. The question that should be addressed is: to what extent do great powers influence Indonesia’s defence policy during Jokowi administration? In the midst of various issues ranging from the maritime fulcrum, the sink the vessels’ policy, the issue of purchasing Russian-made fighter aircraft, the Sukhoi Su-35, and China’s Belt and Road initiative projects, have triggered reactions from neighbouring countries and major powers. Using a historical explanatory approach, this article argues that Indonesia’s defence strategy has been influenced by great powers since its foundation. Furthermore, despite Jokowi’s efforts to show that Indonesia is an independent and neutral country it remains under the influence of great powers.

The Middle East has witnessed many identity conflicts and rising violent extremist groups after 2003. The most prominent one has been the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), which has come to the sphere of politics, in the post Arab Spring era. The goal of this paper is to examine the roots of the emergence of violent extremist groups, principally with reference to ISIS rising in Iraq. To do this authors propose “the four-dimensional thick recognition” model that consists of four concepts i.e., 1) historical narratives, 2) self-esteem 3) ontological security, and 4) hubristic identity. This model highlights that historical narratives of conflict, along with lack of self-esteem leads to feeling of ontological insecurity. This, in turn, leads to a kind of hubristic identity crisis, which often paves the way through struggle for regaining it. By content analysis of major texts published by the ISIS through two major magazines, namely Dabiq and Rumiyah, we try to demonstrate how the rise of ISIS was rooted in the issue of thick recognition failure. The paper concludes that thick recognition failure in these four phases, led to the establishment of violent extremist groups particularly in regions with memories of conflict.