درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

Thomas Hobbes's theory of "social contract" provided a new basis for the establishment of the gov-ernment, which had fundamental differences with the theories before it. In such a way that he con-sidered the government "constitutional" and not "natural". According to him, before the govern-ment, people lived in a natural state, which is a kind of a state of war, and according to the natural law and the rule of reason, they should have left this state and entered a state of peace. A state of peace requires the "establishment" of the government to provide security. Based on this, the citizens establish the government through agreement and contract and transfer all their rights to it in order to end the war situation and be the final judge of the affairs. This theory of Hobbes was proposed in the field of religious and political ideological controversies, which its roots go back to the late Mid-dle Ages and the conflict between the church and the kingdom regarding the basis of the legitimacy of the government. On this basis, without paying attention to the context of Hobbes's discussion, it is not possible to get a precise understanding of his theory and intention in the "Social Contract" plan. Our goal in this article is to read Hobbes's theory "context-centered" and we use Quentin Skinner's approach. As a result, our question is, in what context was Thomas Hobbes's "social con-tract" about the basis of government legitimacy formed, and what was his intention in proposing it? Our hypothesis is that Thomas Hobbes, in the field of disputes between the church and the kings, based on the two main theories of the absolute authority of the Pope (controversy of installation) and the divine right of kings, to transition from the state of religious-political wars in England, pro-posed a "social contract" and provided a new basis of legitimacy for the establishment of the state.

Over the last thirty years, the significance of the regional level has surged to a point where "international security" is now often viewed as a product of "regional security." Regional powers, including Iran, are emerging as pivotal and influential actors. It is believed that regional powers must hold a significant advantage in power resources compared to other states in their region. Studies of regional powers through the lens of international system transformations indicate that states must enhance their interests and power indicators, such as economic and military strength, to stabilize their position as regional powers. This enhancement can lead to a security dilemma, with other states striving to boost their capabilities in response. Conversely, some states might take advantage of power vacuums to establish themselves as regional powers. Regional powers typically boast large populations, high GDP, strong conventional military forces, and, in some cases, nuclear weapons. Achieving regional power status offers extensive benefits but also involves significant responsibilities. This article aims to outline the agenda of regional powers and specifically highlights Iran’s evolving role as a regional leader.

Iranian exceptionalism has been a major factor in preventing rapprochement between the US and Iran. There are two major factions within the foreign policy establishment of the Islamic Republic representing “reconciliation discourse” and “resistance discourse”. These two can be seen as sub-discourses within the Islamic Revolution discourse engaged in a struggle over its “correct” interpretation. The reconciliation discourse emphasizes on “prudence”, while the resistance discourse emphasizes upon “conscientiousness”, both signifiers within the Islamic Revolution discourse. Both movements agree that these signifiers exist within the discourse, but they disagree about the primacy and centrality of one over the other. The “reconciliation discourse” seeks development as the main goal of Iran’s foreign policy, and, hence, considers reconciliation with the US to be a precondition to that goal. Its arguments imply that Iran is not an exceptional country. The resistance discourse, on the other hand, is deeply exceptionalist and deems resistance against the US and maximalist independence to be the main objectives of Iran’s foreign policy. This discourse strongly opposes mending ties with the US because such a move would be understood as a threat to Iran’s exceptionalism. These sub-discourses also perceive the US differently; the reconciliation discourse considers US to be dynamic and heterogenous, while the resistance discourse considers US to be unchanging and monolithic, and this disagreement also contributes to their policy toward the US, and this understanding is also closely intertwined with exceptionalism. Overall, the dispute over Iranian exceptionalism has made relationship with the US the main issue of contention within Iranian foreign policy discourses.

According to the reports of relevant national and international authorities about corruption, the rank of Iran is high according to the determined indicators. In such a way that among the 133 evaluated countries, it has been ranked 79th, which has harmful effects on the country's development. What is certain is that many efforts have been made in the field of administrative health in Iran. However, administrative health policies have not been very successful with regard to the injuries suffered. The main purpose of this article is to identify the harms of administrative health policies in the areas of planning and formulating policies, implementing and monitoring the implementation of administrative health policies, and designing its conceptual model. Therefore, for the first time in Iran, this research has investigated the damage components of administrative health policies by using the existing theoretical foundations. The statistical population of this survey consists of 390 employees and academics in the fields of political science, law, management, and economics, in five provinces of the country (Tehran, Golestan, East Azerbaijan, Qom, and Hormozgan); which were selected by multi-stage cluster sampling method. The findings of the survey show that the following components are confirmed as damages of administrative health policies: 1- Damages related to the formulation of administrative health policies. 2- Damages related to the implementation stage of administrative health policies. 3- Damages related to monitoring the implementation of administrative health policies.

The interaction between political elites and the general populace is a key subject of scholarly inquiry, receiving significant attention in academic discourse. This relationship can be seen as the relationship between the government and the people in one interpretation and the relationship between the government and society in another. In a general division, some people believe in the priority of the political elites, some in the people, and finally, the third group believes in the same priority of the political elites and the people. Islamic thinkers have also theorized in this regard. This research, based on the library and documentary methods and contextual interpretation methods, seeks to answer these questions: "What is the relationship between the people and the political elites in Islamic thought?" What are its most important features, and what are the obstacles to the participation of more elites? In order to achieve these goals, we first discuss the basics, and then, based on Islamic principles and values, we examine the role of the people with the political elites or the government. We point out the obstacles to the desired interaction and finally provide some recommendations.  

Reza Shah's government can also be considered a government based on an ideology. This ideology has different components and at the same time, based on it, various institutions were created during Pahlavi's rule. Accurate knowledge of the Pahlavi government, especially in the era of Reza Shah, is obtained with a correct understanding of this ideology. Therefore, the state of the Pahlavi government is "linked" to this ideology in a very fundamental way. Looking at its situation, the three most important elements in it were considered the main ideological components of the government, which are: "authoritarianism", "monopolism" and "personalization of power". Of course, nationalism and antiquarianism can also be added to these. In this research, the focus is on the political components of the government's ideology. In sum, according to these three components, the ideological characteristic of Reza Shah's government can be considered as "concentration of exclusive personal power". In the meantime, the military institutions, which Reza Shah had placed the main support of his power on, played a very important role in the continuation of the government and the implementation of its ideology. The "police" was one of the most important of these institutions, which was completely at the service of the "person" of Reza Shah, and before and after he reached the throne, he fulfilled his wishes completely. This article seeks to understand the "problem" of the "police" in the ideology of the government with a descriptive and analytical method. And at the same time, its most important findings are that the "police" based on the principle of "concentration of exclusive personal power", was one of the main tools for creating order and suppressing Reza Shah's opponents. The most important result of this research is that the police played a role in establishing the "concentration of exclusive personal power" mostly by "suppressing and censoring the press", "dominating the elections and parliament" and "suppressing the opponents of the king". And this act was exactly based on the ideology of Reza Shah's government.