درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

Electoral geography is often considered a major branch of behavioral geography, which takes into account certain political functionalities. This analysis is particularly important in the case of Iran, where political behaviors and social, behavioral, and geographical complexities take on a unique form. This in turn certainly impacts the combination and function of different political institutions in Iran, especially in the case of presidential elections, at various local, regional, and national scales. In this light, the present study proceeds with an exploratory analysis of spatial data on different electoral sectors to find a balanced spatial division (zoning) of Iran based on principles of electoral geography, which also provides certain indications into existing spatial inequalities. The analysis is based on the assumption that concepts of electoral geography-consisting of a diverse range of spatial-political aspects of election-integrated with exploratory analyses, may prove helpful in establishing fair elections in Iran. The results of this study reveal that the distribution of election votes shows a significantly positive general spatial autocorrelation, which is indicative of the spatial clustering of votes in Iran. Regarding the relationship between the distribution of votes and social and economic variables, votes tallied for Rouhani had positive and significant correlations with factors of relative population aged 25 to 64, relative student population studying at higher education, the ratio of university educated population, unemployment rates, rental rates, housing quality, and the rate of urbanization in all cities. However, for Raeesi, the analysis of the votes indicates a positive and significant correlation between relative population aged 0 to 24, population above 64, employment rates, ratio of households with disabled members, house ownership and ruralization.

The United States have adopted competitive and even conflictive trade policies to redefine and rewrite the global political economy in the post globalization era. The prime movers of removing trade barriers and expanding trade concession, have adopted a restrictive theory of trade after terrorist attacks of 9/11, with a gradual shift from an easy international trade environment to a selective preferential trade relations with like- minded countries. New measures and technologies were developed to track movement of different goods. Logistics and international shipping industries were negatively affected due to national restrictive policies. The international financial crisis and Covid-19 were additional factors to push developed countries to adopt protective trade policies to neutralize the negative impact of the crisis in the absence of financial resources. Former trade partners were considered competitors and those with different trade theories or interests became adversaries. US trade disputes and conflicts surged in XXI century and international dispute settlement mechanisms were challenged by US foreign policy to obtain concessions. This article is meant to respond to the question that “What is the US practice in international trade in the post-globalization era and what would be the implications for the developing countries and global business environment”? The hypothesis is that “US trade policy and practice in the twenty first century has been affected by global geopolitics and geo- economics, where emerging poles of power are meticulously considered and long-term strategies are adopted. In this context; trade disputes, wars and sanction diplomacy might happen either for trade inequality concerns, optimal tariff theory, or politically painted economic objectives”. A qualitative analytical methodology is used to study roots and causes of re-globalization wars and to analyze consequences of antagonistic approaches for the multilateral trading system. A new liberal theoretical framework is used to analyze post- globalizations US trade practices.

In recent decades, differences, competitions, increased distrust, and conflicts between the countries bordering the Persian Gulf, as well as the presence and influence of extra-regional countries, have made it impossible to achieve comprehensive and lasting security arrangements, and on this basis, Arab countries in the region have sought to place themselves under the protective umbrella of other powers. In this regard, and after the Islamic Revolution, the major conflicting interests of the Arab countries in the Persian Gulf region with the Islamic Republic of Iran have made the realization of a security order more difficult and faced it with serious challenges. Especially during the past two decades, simultaneous with the increase in Iran's regional power, with the support of the United States, a groundwork has been provided for reconciliation and rapprochement between the Zionist regime of Israel and the Arab states in the region. In this context, it seems that the policy of reconciliation and convergence in Tel Aviv may have implications and consequences for the establishment of security arrangements in the region. Accordingly, the main question of the research is: what impact can the convergence of the Israeli regime and the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf have on the process of achieving regional security arrangements? The research hypothesis is that the expansion and development of Tel Aviv's relations with the governments of the Arab countries in the Persian Gulf region can make it difficult to achieve an internal security order by complicating regional equations and intensifying security problems in the region. The research method is qualitative and with an analytical-explanatory approach, and the data have been collected from library and internet sources. The balancing of threats theory has also been used to explain the research topic.