درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

With the spread of the Coronavirus in Iran and almost simultaneously around the world, universities were forced to operate online and use distance education. The efficiency of universities in these critical situations depends to a large extent on their communication and media policies to advance their educational and research goals. To review the media and communication policy of the University of Tehran and the University of Cape Town, the content of their official websites from March 2020 to January 2021 was evaluated. This paper, using a combination of qualitative and quantitative content analysis, examined the content of these websites in connection with the Corona pandemic and evaluated their  communication strategy in conveying their messages. Both universities have prioritized medical and emergency services which show the importance of students' and staff’s health for both universities but the social responsibility were  more evident in Tehran University with its deeper commitment to its social missions. In terms of communication strategy, Cape Town University adopted a "supportive and egocentric" strategy to provide the necessary news and refrain  from publishing the comments of audiences, and the University of Tehran took a "supportive and selective" strategy intending to provide the most news with selective comments. 

This paper pays particular attention to three critical junctures in Iran’s contemporary history: The Russo-Persian wars of the 19th century, Iran’s occupation by the Allies in 1941, and the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s. Combining a constructivist approach to geopolitics with the theory of Social Reality Construction, this article argues that these series of wars in the past two centuries have created an intersubjectivity, making Iranians feel “lonely” when the very survival of their state was at the stake. While Iran’s geographical situation has brought the country to the core of the great powers’ attention, repeated foreign invasions or interventions seem to have reproduced a sense of vulnerability for the Iranians. This paper is constructed around the following question: Is there something embedded in Iran’s geography that betrays this land’s sovereignty and imposes loneliness? The conclusion is that there is no natural or geographical reason to justify Iran's loneliness in the international arena, but rather, a perceptual construct reproduced by the historical context of events. The imposition of great political powers to contain Iran in its geography and to make it a buffer zone constitute a spatial reality; however, the feeling of loneliness derives from the social construction of reality.

This paper compares Islamic teachings regarding Jihad with Gandhi’s Satyagraha or non-violent resistance. Abdul Ghaffar Khan, one of Gandhi’s Muslim followers, has argued that not only was Islam compatible with non-violent methods, but that Prophet Muhammad had taught his followers non-violent resistance hundreds of years earlier than Gandhi had. Scholars such as Eknath Easwaran have also reiterated this argument (Easwaran, 1999, 34). This paper on the other hand argues that Islamic teachings regarding non-violence are more complicated than what Khan proclaimed. The verses of the Quran regarding Jihad or struggle can be divided between the revelations in Mecca, during the first thirteen years of the Prophet’s campaign, and the final ten years of his life, after he and his followers immigrated to the city of Medina. In the first thirteen years, Prophet Muhammad preached non-violent resistance even though Muslims were under severe pressure and prosecution. During this period Islamic teaching are quite compatible with Gandhi’s Satyagraha. However, after the new Muslim community immigrated to Medina and formed an Islamic government it came under the threat of annihilation by a foreign invading army, at which time Islam and its Prophet permitted defensive wars, unlike Gandhi’s teachings and Khan’s assertions. The paper concludes that Ahimsa may work only in the route towards power, whereas when the position of power achieved and an independent political community and its leadership formed, according to Islam, means of legitimate and justified violence could not be avoided altogether.

Abū Naṣr Muḥammad ibn Muḥammad Al Farabi is the founder of Islamic philosophy and the greatest philosopher of the Islamic world. Though, among Islamic thinkers, Farabi should be considered as a group of thinkers seeking harmony between reason and religion, but with a description of the earthly divine wisdom of man, inspired by the souls of the grace of the Plotinus, the intellect transcends the intellect beyond the imagination, and compares it with the religious version of the divine intellect and puts it to a higher rank than the creed. The study of political rationality in the sense of understanding the type of role and the flow of reason in the pillars of the political system with this Aristotelian philosopher shows that the starting point of his theory of reason is Aristotle’s book “On the Soul”; but the idealist Farabi is in favor of a unified system in utopia. Using the use of Islam and Platonic and Neoplatonic philosophy, he describes the characteristics of a desirable society, a higher classification of society and the problems of the utopian system, Everywhere reason  rules  over other things, a rationale that compared with faith and religion(shariah) has some privilages. Farabi regards happiness as the ultimate goal of the political community and emphasizes the importance of intellect in individual and political ethics. The main question of the article is what is the role of reason in al-Farabi’s philosophical theorem, and how does Farabi make a relation between reason and religion in his political theory? The findings of the article show that reason and rationality play a pivotal role in theoretical philosophy of al-Farabi, being pivotal, descending, ultimate, and along with the revelation and even beyond it in Farabi’s political thought, and religion has a secondary role. Farabi’s approach in this way is philosophical.

To acknowledge the majority of strategic experts, “Hassan Nasrallah”; Secretary General of Hezbollah in Lebanon, Is an expert in psychological warfare that under certain conditions, easily changes equations of regional conflicts in favor of the resistance axis. This view from here derived that campaign politics is an arena of deception and dishonesty, it is well known to be truthful to; Extent that even Shimon Peres, the former head of the Zionist regime, described He's the most honest enemy of Israel as terms of consciousness and high-capacity regional and international developments in powers of analysis. Such thoughtfulness and deep political insight of Hassan Nasrallah led to his political forecasts in the field of international developments and in particular the future of the Zionist regime. Hezbollah chooses specific events for describing the confrontation with the Israeli enemy that often expressed these positions by its Secretary-General. Accordingly, this study seeks to examine the views and political thoughts of Sayyad Hassan Nasrallah, Secretary General of Hezbollah in Lebanon.

Justice as one of the most important issues in educational and sociological sciences, has always attracted attention of thinkers. The meaning of justice is different from one viewpoint and is the same from anther viewpoint in two realms of sociological and educational sciences (philosophy, theosophy, and gnosticism). In both realms, justice is the quality of action and behavior, but in educational sciences it is the quality of the Almighty and the perfect Man, and also the quality of the universe, while in sociological science it implies the nature of behaviors, relationships and laws of man. Shahid Mohammad Bagher Sadr, with his command of educational sciences and practical Islamic sciences, seriously tried to explain the relationship between these two categories from viewpoints of what “is” and what “should be”. In this paper, using interpretive method, Shahid Sadr’s perspectives about justice were investigated. Justice as an expressed reality across the universe and as the final aim of religion in two individual and social dimensions, beside Shahid Sadr’s viewpoints and guidelines to accomplish justice were explained.

Framing is a familiar concept but with a scattered history in several fields of the humanities and social sciences, which seems can be widely used in socio-political studies in the case of a conceptual-operational revision. In this paper, after conceptual rethinking of the term in several theoretical contexts, and especially in the media domain, the author strived to present a consistent and uniform understanding of it to the reader and provide it at the level of a powerful guide concept for social and political research by reviewing the types, strategies, models, and consequences of the framing.