درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

Iran and Afghanistan share deep historical, cultural and civilizational ties. Iran is one of Afghanistan’s largest trading partners. However, economic sanctions have disrupted bilateral trade between these two neighboring countries through various channels. This paper presents an empirical analysis of the impact of economic sanctions on trade between Iran and Afghanistan in the period 2004-2018 by applying the Gravity Model, while the estimation is performed using fully modified least-squares technique. Findings of the research indicate that the imposition of any strong economic sanctions, in the long run, not only during the sanctions period but also in the post-sanctions period, has increased trade between Iran and Afghanistan. On the other hand, weak sanctions during the sanctions period have reduced trade; nevertheless, weak sanctions in the post-sanctions period have increased bilateral trade. Development of trade cooperation between the two countries, facilitation of trade affairs and expansion of joint regional and international cooperation should be on the agenda of economic policymakers in Iran and Afghanistan.

The goal of countries in concluding treaties in international relations is to increase and ensure national security. Each country is trying to maximize its safety in the global environment. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, abbreviated as "JCPOA," resulted from 12 years of negotiations between Iran and the West, which formalized, after being signed by the P5 + 1 countries and ratified by UN Security Council Resolution 2231. Political and legal experts have considered the effects of JCPOA and related resolutions, including Resolution 2231, on national interests from various dimensions. The present study aimed to analyze the West's attempt to reduce Iran's conventional deterrence power from JCPOA entrance. The main question is ‘In addition to restricting Iran's nuclear industry, what other goals did the United States pursue in JCPOA?’ The article hypothesizes that one of the goals of the US-led West has been to weaken Iran's conventional deterrence capability through JCPOA. This hypothesis is tested based on a deterrence strategy. Therefore, while proposing a deterrence strategy, the present study analyses JCPOA and its consequences (Resolution 2231) and its impact on the conventional deterrence capacity of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The result of this article is the confirmation of the hypothesis above

Economic growth is a major goal for developing countries; governments therefore strive to create favorable conditions and allocate necessary resources for the prosperity of their nations. This study examines the impact of International Monetary Fund (IMF) loans, along with other macroeconomic variables, on the economic growth of selected countries in the D8 group. The study utilizes panel data covering the period from 2001 to 2020, and employs a panel data method to investigate the effects of explanatory variables on growth. The research findings indicate that IMF loans have had a positive impact on the economic growth of member countries. Furthermore, IMF loans have contributed to the promotion of structural reforms and trade liberalization, which further enhances economic growth. Other variables, such as foreign direct investment, labor, and exports also had a positive impact on economic growth in the D8 countries. However, an increase in inflation rate has been found to have an adverse impact on economic growth. Therefore, economic policymakers in the D8 countries should seek loans for economic growth from the IMF and invest in projects that promise high returns. This study contributes to the existing literature on the relationship between IMF loans and economic growth in developing countries, and provides valuable insights for policymakers in D8 countries. The findings suggest that prudent borrowing, along with strategic investment in high-return projects, can help these countries achieve sustained economic growth.

The expansion of NATO to the East under the policies of Atlanticism is one of the current issues of international relations, which has a lot to think about for the countries involved in this policy, their neighbors and the international order. After the expansion of NATO to the east, what will happen in the spheres of influence of NATO and the neighboring countries of those spheres and the conditions created, causes predictions in this field; One of them is the evaluation of the feasibility of cooperation between China and Russia with their own special conditions against this action, that is, Atlanticism. After experiencing many ups and downs in China-Russia relations, these two countries have gradually expanded their comprehensive cooperation since the mid-1990s. In the meantime, the expansion of NATO to the east is one of the important political, military and security issues that has led to the expression of common concern. And at the same time, the cooperation and positions of the two countries have come closer, especially towards the policies and actions of America and even Europe. Russia's concern about the presence of NATO in its borders and China's concern about the close military cooperation of the West with Taiwan have caused the two countries to work harder for mutual cooperation and their development fields. The concept of new Atlanticism provides a framework for analyzing security and normative challenges facing Europe and the world. This work and many similar works emphasize the fact that the behavior of America and its allies in the international system has become the basis for the creation of various coalitions and alliances. From the perspective of this research and emphasizing the threat balance theory, when the hegemon country and its allies create threats, or show threatening behaviors; They will create coalitions and alliances. In this article, an attempt was made to discuss the feasibility of expanding cooperation between China and Russia against Atlanticism by using the theoretical framework of threat balance. And the topic of these cooperation was examined according to the concepts, general capabilities such as (population, economic power, military power, etc.), geographical proximity, offensive capabilities and offensive intentions from the perspective of the threat balance theory.

With the beginning of the new era after the Renaissance, the Enlightenment and the Great Industrial Revolution in the West, the issue of the spread of new western ideas became a complex reality for all societies, including Iran, and there was no escaping this situation. Especially since the 19th century and the wars between Iran and Russia, as the first blow to the intellectual traditions of the Iranian people, the issue of transferring new ideas has become an undeniable reality for us Iranians, and this issue is mainly according to Iran's military needs due to the defeat of the Tsarist army. It was for the first time that Qajar Crown Prince Abbas Mirza came to the conclusion that he could not defend his land without using the tools of the new world and by sending a group headed by his son Khosrow Mirza, he opened the first intellectual interactions with the Western world and Russia. And this first step led to the education of a generation of Iranians who later became the initiators of modernization in Iran, and although they failed in this path, they should be considered serious in every word about the modernization of Iranians. Undoubtedly, the Russian Revolution is considered one of the greatest events in the history of the world in terms of its impact, and countless works have been produced in connection with it, but few works have been published about the influence of Russia in the 19th century on the intellectual atmosphere of Iran. which have been less expressive of this effect. Therefore, the main issue in this research is how and the specific mechanisms of the influence of political ideas on Iranian intellectuals in the late 19th century and early 20th century, a subject that naturally requires intellectual exploration and reflection in its dimensions and angles. It can open the knot of many intellectual and thought problems of Iran at that time.

During the Covid-19 pandemic, Over the Platforms (OTT) such as Netflix and Amazon multiplied their streaming and eased access to foreign content in India. The hybridity and transnational nature of the digital spaces allowed the audience to consume foreign content beyond the geographies of language and culture. This article aims to analyze the reception and perception of Iranian films in India during the Covid-19 pandemic. The study posits that the shift in the reception of Iranian film in India during the Covid-19 pandemic constructed a positive perception of Iran among the Indian audience. By applying the reception analysis and qualitative content analysis theories, the paper interrogates the way in which film acts as an agency to produce the perception of Iran as a nation among the Indian Audience. For the collection of data, the existing literature has been used. Furthermore, a purposive sample survey among Iranian film lovers had been conducted. The paper also carries a content analysis of the posts, comments, and reviews about Iranian films on social media pages. Iranian films have influenced the Indian audience to such a level that 80% of the respondents want to visit Iran once in a lifetime.