درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

Religion is the biggest absent of International Relations’ science. From the official formation start of this science in the West as a single academic field of studying, religion and religious studies have been forgotten by most of scholars, as far as it can be known that international relations is the most religion separated branch of social modernized sciences. Knowing about the reason of this long time and controversial absence, usually it is citing to five reasons which are the requirements of the modernization’s process in western societies, an inclusive consolidation and acceptance of religion separation principle (secularism), the Westphalia Order of the International System, the domination of the ultra-theory of rationalism on this study field, and the materialistic nature of the mainstream theories in international relations. The current article is trying to study all these reasons, and disproof them, and to claim that deleting the religion from the science of international relations does not have a rational excuse and credibility because of the discredit of the loyalty for modernization single line process, the outbreak of serious doubts about the correctness of religion separation principle and the start of post-secularism, the start of Westphalia order’s deterioration and entering the international system into post-Westphalia era, the sunset of the ultra-theory of rationalism’s domination with the appearance of competitor ultra-theories, and also the formation of various theories and the decrease of the monopoly of the mainstream. Therefore, it is necessary to have a deep understanding of international relations by knowing about the position of religion.

Since the Islamic Republic victory, the leaders of the revolution have consistently emphasized that the revolution's Islamic nature has sparked significant transformations in the regional and international order. Grounded in religious beliefs and values, the Islamic revolution has drawn upon Iran's rich cultural, political, and social background, making it a fertile and productive force for change. The first step towards change was the internal political and social transformation of Iran, culminating in the establishment of the Islamic Republic under the banner of "Revolution in the Name of God." This revolution led to transformations in all material and spiritual dimensions of the existing international system. The Islamic Revolution has invalidated materialistic and atheistic theories that explain and interpret revolutions. It has presented a new interpretation and thought based on unity and spirituality and recognized human dignity and social justice globally. The revolution has demonstrated the possibility of forming a community based on justice and spirituality, revived hope in the Islamic and Arab world regarding the defeat of imperialism and Zionism, empowered the front of truth against the front of falsehood, changed the political map of the world, awakened the Islamic nation, changed the balance of power in the Middle East and the world, and presented a model for liberation movements worldwide. These outcomes have had a significant impact on the material and spiritual structures of the international system. The present study, with a descriptive and analytical method and based on the guidance and intellectual framework of the esteemed Leader, will attempt to describe and explain their perspective of the necessity and feasibility assessment of transformation in the new global order

The importance of the historical study of the Russian and Ottoman neighborhood policy lies in the fact that, in addition to the importance of these two countries in geographical, social, cultural, political and economic dimensions, a large number of Iran's neighboring countries were somehow under the control of these two empires before independence. In this research, the historical process of Iran's relations with these two important neighboring countries has been studied using the descriptive method and discourse analysis of Lacla and Moufe with the approach of historical institutionalism. The results show that during the lifetime of the Ottoman Empire until the disintegration of this empire, coinciding with the Safavid to Qajar governments, we witness two neighboring discourses. The discourse of the first period, the discourse of structural divergence, later with the change of political, economic and social geography and the requirements of the world system, this discourse turns into the discourse of minimal convergence. The discourse of "structural divergence" was formed on the centrality of the neighborhood policy based on the tyranny of the kingdom. The discourse signs of structural divergence included geographical dominance, expansion of religious ideology, political divergence, economic divergence, and world trade. The minimal convergence discourse is based on the centrality of the political signifier based on the court's understanding of global realities. The semantic system of this discourse is based on the main signs of acknowledging the existence of the neighboring country, the unbalanced weight of different aspects of the relations between the two countries, and the continuation of divergence alongside convergence. However, in comparison, the central sign of the discourse of the neighborhood with Russia is tsarist imprudence and court tyranny, and the main signs are passivity against Russia's expansionism, "military weakness in exercising territorial sovereignty, weakness in attracting the Iranian peoples of Central Asia and the Caucasus, and giving in to disgraceful agreements." they give. With the formation of the Soviet Union and the beginning of a new discourse, Russian expansionism in Iran in its territorial form ended and the chapter of ideological confrontations between communism and capitalism began. The discourse of Iran's neighborhood policy with the Ottomans and Russia is like two pieces of a puzzle that are both complementary and effective on each other's growth. If Iran's neighborhood policy regarding Russia and Ottomans had the same importance for Iran's ruling body, it is possible that a different historical path would have been established for the region and Iran.

Understanding the causes of the backwardness of the Muslim World has been the subject of research in the late three decades. Although much research has been done on this subject, cultural causes have been neglected. This is while culture seems to play an important role in the economic and political development of countries. The cultural crisis is one of the fundamental problems of the Islamic world that has been reflected in most of Imam Khomeini's speeches. The purpose of this study is to investigate Imam Khomeini's view on the cultural challenges of Islamic states using the theory of crisis of Thomas A. Spragens. The findings of this article refer to cultural problems such as westernization, division, self-destruction, emotional-spiritual dependence and crisis of meaning and identity, political and economic instability, the intervention of foreign powers, etc.