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Political poetry underwent considerable changes in both the format and the theme after the onset of the constitutionalism movement. While poetry and being a poet were commodities belonging to the educated persons until before constitutionalism. They made a lot of efforts in this period to get close to the language of the alleys and streets. In this era, political poetry seeks to express the people’s concerns and it becomes sublime with poets becoming the people’s tongue against superstition and despotism. Both prose and poetry experience subtle changes in this period. To be more exact, the constitutionalism’s literature is formed and enlivened in the course of the battle with the old literature and, due to the same reason, it is novel and it violates the tradition in terms of both form and content. The constitutionalist thinkers insist on pulling words out of the magnificent aristocratic palaces and making them serve the people of alleys and bazars. The goals of the poems in this period are awakening the people and inciting the national and patriotic feelings and promoting the individual and social freedoms and denial of the superstitions and loose and improper thoughts, fighting with the foreigners and westernism, harshly and mercilessly criticizing the disorders and familiarizing the people with their human limits and rights. It was with the constitutionalism’s revolution that the newspapers along with the preaching, discussion and lecture sessions became the primary medium for the conversations and expressing of the revolutionary notions and opinions, and a “public arena” that had been never seen before came about. More importantly, insolence, insult, and frivolity lost their private, fanciful, and exceptional aspects and became completely political and one of the most important and most effective means of the political fight. Such a thing was unprecedented in the political and literary history of the country. Two essential dimensions are seen in the constitutionalism’s literature: one is the criticizing of the past literature and the other is the positing of a novel literature. Zain Al-Abedin Maraghe’ei has the following words in this regard: “these days are not the time in which the masters of pen and thoughts spend their time on simple things, chimerical myths and senseless nonsense like their antecedents for nothing but fiction would result thereof. The present article tries introducing the prominent political figures of the constitutionalism era

It became significant in finding development in Iran after the emergence of the new industrial order in the West that leads to a debate on how Iran should confront the phenomenon of high economic development. In contemporary Iranian history, Western-oriented elites have attributed Iran's backwardness to not following the methods that the West used to achieve development. Therefore, especially during the Pahlavi era, development planning with a Western-centric approach was implemented to address this backwardness. Undoubtedly, the realization of the Islamic Revolution can be considered as a confrontation with this style of modernization, which has led to serious criticisms from some thinkers. The present study examines the Sayyid Mortaza Avini’s thoughts on development economics, who is one of these intellectuals. This paper aims to investigate the question of ‘What components Avini's thought on development is based on?’ The findings indicated that Avini has criticized Western development while also aligning with some post-development thinkers. Although he goes beyond the post-development approach and, influenced by the ideas of the Islamic Revolution and based on Islamic and indigenous elements such as religious identity and Islamic justice, he presents an alternative version of development (progress accompanied by spirituality). This way, he addresses his most important concern regarding the issue of progress positively. The method of this article will be grounded theory and data collection based on library research. 

The article deals with enemy images in east and west and their historical invention. Connecting the reader to current controversies about “Muslim bans”, the article guides the reader through the nexus of power and knowledge with a particular emphasis on the discourse of Orientalism and Occidentalism.This type of discourse is retroactive, not only because of its ideological content;, it is in fact and quite directly retroactive. Above everything else, the idea that there are essential, unbridgeable differences between cultures and by extension human beings is simply false. This urge to identify us in strict opposition to others has to be resisted, firstly because it is a false polarisation and secondly because it negates the prospect of dialogue and sustainable peace. 

The relation between religion and politics is a question of extended background having received a variety of responses. The issue of the epistemological foundations of the issue and the logical possibility of the formation of Islamic politics is, however, a quite recent topic which has drawn the attention of a lot of contemporary analysts. Two main approaches can be distinguished in the field of the Islamic political discourse which believes in the integration of religion and politics. One is the rejection of secular arguments altogether towards deducing the possibility of "Islamic Politics". The other goes beyond the criticism of secularism and talks of the necessity of establishing "Islamic politics". This article deals with the second approach explaining the epistemological foundations of the Islamic politics and introducing the idea of how to make politics accord with religious law. Thus, understanding and practice of politics in a religious society is essentially impossible without reference to its initial foundations.