درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

Objective: The absence or weakness of political structures and institutions in the new Iraqi political and social sphere has led to a political leader, whether in power or in opposition, playing the most significant role in political actions. Therefore, an analysis of political and social trends in Iraq after the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime in 2003 indicates that the Sadr Movement has become the undisputed actor in the Iraqi political and social arena. This is attributed to its reliance on doctrines such as Arab nationalism, adopting an independent approach from other regional actors, fighting corruption, advocating for justice, equality, and eliminating political and social discrimination, and solving Iraq's economic problems.Methodology: The present study aims to systematically examine the evolution and development of the Sadr Movement in Iraq, stemming from the reflections of the Islamic Revolution. It will achieve its objectives and findings through a scientific, integrated approach combining historical, documentary, and in-depth, purposeful interview methods.Research Findings: The findings and documentation of the article indicate that the Sadr Movement, throughout its formation and evolution, which originated from the anti-American and anti-authoritarian discourse of Iran's Islamic Revolution, has gradually, under the leadership of Muqtada Sadr and according to the exigencies of the Iraqi political and social arena, reproduced itself from an anti-authoritarian and anti-occupation movement into a new political and social movement opposing the status quo. It has adopted a pragmatic approach and actions that are often contradictory to other Shia parties and groups by highlighting pluralistic identities, symbols, and policies based on Arab nationalism.Conclusion: The overall process of the Sadr Movement's evolution and development shows that Muqtada Sadr's activism has been very turbulent amidst transformations, and this personality has never considered himself to have a fixed role. Furthermore, Sadr has consistently adopted contradictory and unpredictable stances in his actions and statements, which has surprised political observers. This has caused ambiguity and confusion for other domestic and foreign actors in their interactions with him.

In Afghanistan, theology forms a crucial component of the nation's cultural and societal identity, having been influenced by various political and social changes. This review article investigates the historical progression and present-day status of theology in Afghanistan, emphasizing pivotal historical periods such as the communist era, the Mujahideen governance, the Taliban governance, and the era of the Republic. It scrutinizes attempts to reconcile religious traditions with educational modernization, employing a qualitative-historical methodology. The research seeks to comprehend the shifts in theology and suggests recommendations to harmonize it with modern societal requirements. Despite the scarcity of literature, this study establishes a foundation for understanding the ways in which theology impacts Afghanistan's educational policies. By examining the evolution from 1973 to 2021, it underscores how political, social, and ideological factors have molded the substance and approaches of theology, thereby shaping Afghanistan's national identity and cultural growth. Significant fluctuations can be observed in the position, content, and teaching methods, as well as the application of theology during this period, which have directly influenced the national identity, as well as the social, and cultural development of Afghanistan. Religion and theology have been perceived as tools for gaining and maintaining power or as obstacles to the influence of power for the governments of Afghanistan over the past fifty years.

By the advent of various political currents in the realm of power, the Islamic Republic of Iran has witnessed the emergence of sub-discourses that preserve the principles and propositions of the Islamic Revolution's discourse but differ in the subordinate propositions and inter-discourse developments. The latest is a "Moderationist sub-discourse" that has overcome other sub-discourses as the eleventh state started working in Iran. An important aspect of these sub-discourses is the impacts on foreign policy, especially toward the neighboring countries. In this way, Georgia gets significant importance due to its geopolitical features and the great deal of historical, cultural, and civilizational commonalities to Iran. However, due to regional and international changing conditions along with coming up various foreign policy sub-discourses, the relations between the two countries have had lots of ups and downs. On the other hand, after the Russo-Georgian 2008 war, the Russian Federation has exerted great influence on Georgian foreign policy, including relations with Iran. Therefore, this paper seeks to answer the question that, regarding the Russo-Georgian 2008 war, how has the Moderationist foreign policy discourse affected Iranian-Georgian relations? Findings of the study show that the presence of the Moderationist subdiscourse of Hassan Rouhani affected Iranian foreign policy and the pessimistic subjective impressions of the Georgian leaders toward the previous Iranian government regarding Russia's 2008 invasion of Georgia. As a result, we have witnessed a relative improvement in the relations between two countries in 2013–2017 compared to the relationships of the 2008–2013 period. This research uses the descriptive-analytical method.

In recent years, stability in the security environment of Central Asia and the Caucasus has consistent-ly faced increasing complexities and challenges. Nationalistic tendencies in this region, presence of crises, emergence of internal challenges, weaknesses in nation-building, and the entry of foreign powers have added complexity to the region's security environment. Considering the competition of regional and trans-regional powers and their pursuit of interests in the South Caucasus region, the events in Karabakh in 2020 will not be the last one in this region. This region is always prone to events and crises. Iran must play a role in resolving conflicts in the South Caucasus region by main-taining a neutral yet more active policy than in the past. By establishing an independent mechanism, Iran can pursue its national interests in this region by leveraging existing opportunities. This qualita-tive research article uses an explanatory method to evaluate Iran's foreign policy in the face of region-al crises (such as the Karabakh war) based on the realism model of Morgenthau. It examines Iran's foreign policy approach to recent conflicts in the region and analyzes the role of influential regional and international factors, as well as geopolitical and geostrategic factors, shaping Iran's foreign poli-cy.

In recent decades, the concept of sustainable regional development has become one of the funda-mental axes of policymaking at regional levels in the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this regard, with the design and implementation of five-year medium-term plans such as the Fourth Development Plan, greater coherence and alignment between policies and executive actions emerged, and the de-cision-making system became more systematic. This research, using library tools for data collection and descriptive-analytical methods and qualitative content analysis, as well as utilizing the theory of social and spatial justice, sought to answer the question: What position has sustainable regional development policymaking had in the Fourth Economic, Social and Cultural Development Plan of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The results indicate that although the Fourth Development Plan, in terms of formulating laws and designing policies, has a progressive, comprehensive, and innovative approach and has attempted to integrate various dimensions of regional development indicators into a coherent and justice-oriented framework with a holistic and integrated view, it has encountered a serious gap between goals and field realities in the implementation and practice stage. Weak institu-tional coordination, lack of executive guarantees, and the dominance of political views over plan-ning logic have led to the achievement of goals being pursued in an unstable and unbalanced man-ner. Excessive reliance on unstable financial resources and inability to build effective institutions have hindered the operationalization of key concepts such as land planning and spatial justice. As a result, instead of realizing an integrated development model, this plan has become a manifestation of the disconnect between ideal planning and inefficient implementation.

In today's era, the issue of Palestine is considered as one of the most important political and social issues in the world. The positions and actions of different countries and their leaders regarding this crisis can have profound effects on public opinion and international interactions. Ayatollah Khamenei's letter to the students who support the Palestinian people in the universities of the United States of America, as a political and social text, contains significant points regarding speech acts and the way of expressing positions related to the Palestinian issue.This research aims to analyze the speech acts in the letter of the Leader of the Islamic Revolution to the American students with descriptive and analytical method and to answer the questions that the Leader of the Revolution used more direct and indirect speech acts and the reason for this. What are the abundances? The findings of the research show that most of the direct speech action is related to the declarative actions and most of the indirect speech action is related to the persuasive action. The results of the research show that the leader of the revolution is trying to explain and explain the existing conditions to the students according to historical statements and finally to encourage them to persevere with divine promises.