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Israel’s foreign policy at times diverges from prevailing realist expectations, specifically rational considerations and prudence. This article argues that this is the result of what Ernst Cassirer calls mythical thought or what can be called a myth-based discourse that constructs the mindset of policy makers and has made the emergence of non-realist elements in Israel’s foreign policy possible. In this discourse, quantity, quality, similarity, space, and time acquire specific characteristics and, in the field of foreign policy, this primarily leads to maximalist aspirations, volunteerism, reactiveness, lack of proportionality between capabilities and actions, and at times refraining from diplomatic engagements. However, we encounter a state's identity as a modern ruling state which, to gain international recognition and acceptability, must abide by the norms and laws that define statehood. On the other hand, we face an identity stemming from a mythical discourse, encompassing non-modern, irrational elements and self-definitions based on rules that often contradict legal discourse. Relying on discourse analysis, the texts produced by Israeli foreign policymakers are analyzed to show how this specific way of thinking has made non-realist elements in Israeli foreign policy possible.

The current article aims to examine the political foundations that are the main cause of the emergence of the Gothic style and its flow in history. Many critics and thinkers who research the Gothic genre agree that the begin-ning of Gothic literature should be considered the 18th century. Therefore, in this article, the 18th century is con-sidered as the starting point of Gothic. Since the impact and penetration of Gothic as well as its ambiguity and complexity is a more obvious and ponderable literary genre, the focus and emphasis in this article is on Gothic literature, and Gothic literature of the 18th century is considered as the origin of this literary genre. The present speech focuses on Gothic literature and studies the aspects and political factors that played a role in the for-mation of this literature in the middle of the 18th century in order to show the origin of this literary and artistic genre that has lasted for nearly three hundred years. The effective political factors in the emergence of the Goth-ic genre have been manifested in the form of legislation in various fields such as justice, according to a religious trend, policy making in the field of economy with regard to entering the era of modernity and land reforms. Vi-jay Mishra, a contemporary literary critic and theoretician, states in an article titled "Gothic Sublimity" that the explosion of capital in the second half of the 18th century created a literary phenomenon that was later called Gothic. From the very beginning, Gothic has a hint of rebellion and extravagance that disrupts the security of the mind and produces fear and apprehension. Therefore, the desire to read it is related to the feeling of need to specify the historical significance of the Gothic by mentioning the factors influencing it. In fact, following a kind of genealogical approach, the present research seeks to find an origin that did not stop at a specific or certain point in history as a starting point or origin. Rather, it is always developing and moving. And this mobility of the starting point is precisely the secret of the stability and continuity of the Gothic genre over the centuries. Centu-ries that have many essential differences, but have created something stable, progressive and changing from their hearts, which, unlike other literary and artistic genres and styles, has proven to have no time limit: The Gothic genre.

The contemporary history of Iran is deeply intertwined with the problem of the Iranian identi-ty crisis, making it a significant area of study. The main question of this research is: What impact have intellectuals had on the national identity crisis in Iran? This research, using Skinner's hermeneutic method, is conducted on the works and ideas of Hedayat and Shamlou, who are both intellectuals of contemporary history and from two different generations. The presupposition is that intellectual writers have exacerbated the national identity crisis and have had a destructive impact on Iran's national identity in the contemporary era. The results show that Hedayat had a fragmented identity and considered Iran's issues and problems to be a result of superstition born from religion. He believed in a form of extreme archaizing and chal-lenged religious identity in his works. Shamlou, with secular thoughts, opposed what he called "Iranianism" and criticized Iran's cultural roots and symbols. This research not only sheds light on the past but also paves the way for future studies in this area, offering a hopeful outlook on the potential for positive change in Iran's national identity crisis.

Since the beginning of human settlement, the most important factor in facing various natural and un-natural disasters and facilitating development in a society has been solidarity and unity. However, this can only be achieved through the performance of rulers and the formation of governments. As different societies have formed and various cultures have emerged, and as humanity has progressed toward evolution and excellence, the model of this consensus has also undergone changes. With the establishment of governments, based on the decisions of societies in their modern form, multiple fac-tors have played fundamental roles in shaping this unity, while progressive human thought undoubt-edly influencing this process. However, what prompts further reflection on this issue is how this co-hesion emerges when needed and how its fragmentation being prevented under a governance struc-ture. It is evident that a national governance structure plays a significant role in shaping different pol-icy approaches. Due to the influence of various ideas on the formation of governments and the relent-less efforts of scholars and thinkers to develop a suitable and superior governance model, the concept of "good governance" has gained attention in recent decades. Good governance, when properly aligned with a structure that suits a society’s prevailing conditions, can play a crucial role and evolve over time. Principles such as participation, accountability, transparency, the rule of law, etc., are among the fundamental aspects of governance. Each of these principles can be extensively analyzed, but in this discussion, the focus is on the formation of public consensus or, more appropriately, "so-cial convergence" within a desirable "governance structure." Undoubtedly, this structure plays a key role as a fundamental prerequisite for comprehensive and effective implementation of governance thought in fostering social convergence across various sectors of society and government.

This article criticizes the process of nation-state building in Iran based on the facts in the country's political structure and specifies the factors affecting the non-formation of nation-state building in Iran on what mechanisms are based and why this category is in the Islamic Republic. Iran has not succeeded. The most important assumption should be made on the structure and the transnational nature of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its intellectual foundations, because this structure, behind its political ideology, which came from the Islamic Revolution of Iran and religious teachings, rather than the concepts of national unification emanating from history, The culture, language and mythological system existing in a common geographical border relies on values and principles that are transnational and global and can influence from a small group to the whole world. In this article, the descriptive-analytical method of the library type is used to study the texts, books and articles using the fishing technique.

The examination of the political, analytical, and operational capacity of Iran's political movements at the individual, organizational, and systemic levels forms the theoretical foundation of this re-search. The relationship between the different levels of each of these capacities is also of great sig-nificance. The present study, with a foundational research approach, provides a conceptual frame-work for analyzing and explaining political, analytical, and operational capacities. Here, political capacity refers to qualifications, abilities, and capabilities. Analytical capacity addresses technical, scientific knowledge and analytical techniques at different levels, and finally, operational capacity emphasizes the ability to execute policies and the coordination between them. Accordingly, politi-cal, analytical, and operational capacities at individual, organizational, and systemic levels form a 9-base model in which the relationships between them are taken into account. Political movement analysis is, in fact, the identification of ideological waves inspired by political schools of thought, which have become the source of political opinion and action, creating movement and change in society. However, this is not merely an intellectual study but a sociological analysis. The research findings show that the challenge facing the Principlists movement, due to its adherence to ideologi-cal principles, lies in its analytical capacity at the individual, organizational, and systemic levels, which has affected all of its capacities. However, reformist movements, despite having a high ana-lytical capacity, are unsuccessful in their political and operational performance due to a lack of control over the main centers of power at various levels.

In Iran, all the border areas of the country where the majority of Iranian ethnic groups live are underprivileged and underdeveloped, and ethnic elites are not present in any of the macro and middle administrations, and the diversity of ethnic groups is not viewed as a positive thing and is considered as a threat. The type of security approach to the thinking of radical and ex-tremist groups in the region has caused Sistan and Baluchistan to not have a place in Iran's development basket worthy of the province in the development policies of the country. This article seeks to answer this question by providing a correct analysis based on the institutional approach to political and security damage in Sistan and Baluchistan province. The research method is qualitative and analytical-descriptive. The findings showed that Sistan and Baluchi-stan has not enjoyed a favorable situation in terms of political, economic, and social indicators compared to the neighboring provinces, and in the future, it will cause threats, political and security violence in this province. In recent decades, a number of favorable institutional and governance indicators and relatively favorable economic and social achievements have been realized in Sistan and Baluchistan province. However, with a realistic approach, it should be said that in relation to economic and social indicators, Sistan and Baluchistan province has relatively serious distances from the ideal point, so that the people of these regions and the Sunnis have a sense of experiencing economic, social and political discrimination.

The concept of power has consistently been a focal point in international relations and political theories, particularly within the realist school of thought. Traditionally, power discussions centered primarily on military capabilities; however, the dimensions of power have evolved, with economic power emerging as a critical factor in international politics. In recent years, China has experienced unprecedented economic growth, demonstrating resilience in the face of global financial crises and the COVID-19 pandemic. This research investigates the impact of China's economic power on its standing within international organizations. It first outlines key indicators of economic power-such as GDP based on purchasing power parity, current account balance, foreign currency reserves, patents, and oil trade balance-and examines their influence on policy. Subsequently, the study analyzes China's increasing presence and influence in major international institutions, including the United Nations and its specialized agencies (e.g., the International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and World Trade Organization). The findings indicate that China's economic power has significantly enhanced its position within these institutions, thereby strengthening its role in the international system.