درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

Today, in all societies, the excessive consumption of energy and the concerns caused by its lack, especially for the future generations, are very important. In times of crisis, social capital can be used as one of the important components to solve problems and improve existing pro-cesses. Most important of these problems are the inappropriate way and lack of attention to optimal energy consumption in different dimensions. One of the prerequisites for correct and optimal consumption of energy is huge social capital. Unfortunately, some statistics show in-appropriate patterns of consumption of goods and energy in our country. The per capita con-sumption rate of Iranians is outside the standards of global and logical standards. Iranian peo-ple are consumer oriented in all areas of consumption, including food and energy, more than people in other parts of the world. The study of consumerism in new societies is of special im-portance because consumerism is not only a problem for consumers, but producers and dis-tributors of goods and services need to understand its characteristics. For this purpose, in so-cial sciences, sociologists, economists and contemporary policy makers analyze it comprehen-sively, and every expert pays attention to it from a specific angle. Modern consumerism is a social damage in an indiscriminate way that requires scientific knowledge and then basic treatment, or in other words, planning. In this article, first, the characteristics and definitions of social capital have been examined from the point of view of different experts, and its role in the optimization of energy consumption policies has been examined, and at the end, planning for the modification of consumption patterns has been discussed with an emphasis on strengthening social capital.

This article examines the European Union's (EU) strategies toward the Islamic Republic of Iran from the 1979 Islamic Revolution to the present, offering a comprehensive longitudinal analysis of EU-Iran relations through a constructivist lens. The relationship between the EU and Iran has traversed a landscape marked by ideological divergence, geopolitical tensions, and shifts in diplomatic approaches, providing an essential case study for understanding the role of ideas, norms, and identities in international relations. While previous scholarship has largely addressed isolated aspects of EU-Iran relations-such as critical and comprehensive dialogue frameworks, nuclear negotiations, and regional strategy-this study seeks to provide a cohesive overview of the EU's evolving policy by situating these engagements within the broader context of the EU's normative commitments and strategic interests. Employing constructivism as the theoretical foundation, this research argues that the EU's strategies have been shaped not solely by material interests but by the EU' self-perception as a promoter of international norms, such as human rights and nuclear non-proliferation. Additionally, the EU's continuous emphasis on dialogue and diplomacy, even amid rising tensions, reflects its identity as a distinct actor in the international system. The study delves into key aspects of this evolving relationship, including the EU's perception of Iran as a regional actor, the influence of interfaith and intercultural dialogue on EU-Iran engagements, and the ways in which social learning has reshaped EU strategies over time. The analysis reveals that repeated interactions between the EU and Iran have fostered mutual understanding and reframed strategic priorities, shifting from a focus on human rights to broader concerns of energy security and regional stability. This constructivist approach underscores the socially constructed nature of threats, opportunities, and interests, offering a nuanced understanding of the EU's enduring engagement with Iran. By shedding light on the ideational factors that inform EU policy, this study contributes valuable insights into the complexities of EU-Iran relations within an evolving global context.

Hobbes's tendency to connect the two fields of ethics and politics has a historical background. Historical analysis shows that upon entering the modern era, with Machi-avelli and Hobbes and their contemporaries, politics and ethics find a realistic, relativ-istic, utilitarian and anti-ultra centric nature. Hobbes's systematic explanation of hu-man nature, ethics and politics begins with the fundamental characteristics of humans. He proposes a political system based on two scenarios of the natural state and the gov-ernment (commonwealth). According to him, if the unruly nature of man is not limited by an absolute ruler with full power, the return to the natural state or the war of all against all will be inevitable. Hobbes belonged to his own time and his concern was order, peace and security, and therefore, by combining moral philosophy (natural laws) and political philosophy (civil laws), and presenting an ethical view of human self-preservation, he builds a system consisting of do’s and don'ts based on the description of the characteristics of human nature to form a peaceful government based on the so-cial contract theory to lead everyone towards a society with security. Hobbes's moral philosophy originates from his theory about natural law, and natural law also includes his theory about natural rights. Natural law and natural rights are the two foundations on which Hobbes based his theory of ethics and politics, respectively.

Afghanistan, as a landlocked buffer state, has endured over four decades of instability and continuous military conflicts, driven by both foreign military interventions and internal strife. The primary focus of these conflicts has been the seizure of power and the expansion of influence within the country. Over this period, two of the world’s leading military powers have attempted direct military intervention, only to be met with failure due to a combination of external rivalries-both regional and global-and internal resistance. These factors have perpetuated the crisis and hindered stability in Afghanistan.As a buffer state, Afghanistan’s survival depends on maintaining a balanced position among rival powers and avoiding entanglement in their spheres of influence. This requires a carefully crafted foreign policy that acknowledges the unique geopolitical demands imposed by its buffer state status. The hypothesis of this study suggests that one of the key reasons for the persistence of the crisis in Afghanistan is the country’s failure to fully consider these geopolitical imperatives in its foreign policy. This oversight has heightened tensions and encouraged external intervention.This article aims to first provide a comprehensive understanding of buffer states, drawing on the perspectives of prominent scholars. It then evaluates the foreign policy variables that shape Afghanistan's geopolitical environment, with a focus on the requirements specific to its buffer state role. The research is conducted using a descriptive-analytical methodology, with data sourced from a wide range of library materials, credible domestic and international publications, reports, and electronic sources.

Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Karabakh conflict remains the longest and most significant conflict in the Caucasus region. This study examines the role of mediation, a key method in international conflict resolution, within international law, focusing particularly on the Karabakh conflict. The hypothesis suggests that mediation, a fundamental necessity for resolving international disputes, plays a crucial role in mitigating territorial conflicts, including Karabakh. Our findings highlight diverse perspectives regarding Iran's role in Central Asia, particularly in the Southern Caucasus during the conflict. Despite attempts by major powers like Russia, the USA, and Turkey to diminish its influence, Iran has maintained a stance of neutrality, asserting its significance as a neighboring state. Mediation, deeply rooted in various cultural traditions, including Islamic culture, has been strategically employed by Iran based on religious doctrines and national interests. Iran's mediation efforts, supported by cultural and historical commonalities, were conditional on the readiness of the conflicting parties and the appropriateness of the geopolitical context. The complexity of the Karabakh conflict is underscored by its multi-layered nature, the continued crisis, the geopolitical agendas of the mediators, and the number of involved actors. Iran's mediation aims to prevent a tripartite alliance among Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Turkey, stave off the conflict's expansion towards its borders, and curb the involvement of external actors like Israel and the USA. Russia, although geographically distant from Karabakh, plays a pivotal role in the region, amplified by its recent diplomatic maneuvers in response to the USA's attempts to reduce Russian influence in the Southern Caucasus.