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This article examines the European Union's (EU) strategies toward the Islamic Republic of Iran from the 1979 Islamic Revolution to the present, offering a comprehensive longitudinal analysis of EU-Iran relations through a constructivist lens. The relationship between the EU and Iran has traversed a landscape marked by ideological divergence, geopolitical tensions, and shifts in diplomatic approaches, providing an essential case study for understanding the role of ideas, norms, and identities in international relations. While previous scholarship has largely addressed isolated aspects of EU-Iran relations-such as critical and comprehensive dialogue frameworks, nuclear negotiations, and regional strategy-this study seeks to provide a cohesive overview of the EU's evolving policy by situating these engagements within the broader context of the EU's normative commitments and strategic interests. Employing constructivism as the theoretical foundation, this research argues that the EU's strategies have been shaped not solely by material interests but by the EU' self-perception as a promoter of international norms, such as human rights and nuclear non-proliferation. Additionally, the EU's continuous emphasis on dialogue and diplomacy, even amid rising tensions, reflects its identity as a distinct actor in the international system. The study delves into key aspects of this evolving relationship, including the EU's perception of Iran as a regional actor, the influence of interfaith and intercultural dialogue on EU-Iran engagements, and the ways in which social learning has reshaped EU strategies over time. The analysis reveals that repeated interactions between the EU and Iran have fostered mutual understanding and reframed strategic priorities, shifting from a focus on human rights to broader concerns of energy security and regional stability. This constructivist approach underscores the socially constructed nature of threats, opportunities, and interests, offering a nuanced understanding of the EU's enduring engagement with Iran. By shedding light on the ideational factors that inform EU policy, this study contributes valuable insights into the complexities of EU-Iran relations within an evolving global context.

The policy of Looking East represents a strategic approach towards the regions beyond the eastern, southeastern, and northeastern borders of the Islamic Republic of Iran, aiming to deepen harmonious relations with actors present in these areas. Consequently, the country has devoted particular attention to fostering cooperation and forming alliances with these actors, both through bilateral engagements and collective collaborations within the framework of regional convergence institutions, to secure national interests and enhance the country's security coefficient. Following the emergence of the Ahmadinejad administration, the Eastern Look has garnered increased importance, although it had been a consideration for previous governments. Iran's confrontations with the West, particularly over nuclear sanctions, have driven it to adopt policies in response to Western actions. Under the Raisi administration, Iran's "look east" policy, which had initially gained traction in theory, was pragmatically pursued and further developed as part of its Asian and neighboring strategies. This research examines how Iran has strengthened its relations with neighboring and eastern countries through this policy and evaluates the outcomes it has produced. In response to this question, we hypothesize that the Islamic Republic of Iran, through the development of the looking East and Asian and neighboring policies, initially reduced the pressure of Western sanctions against itself, leading to results such as the free trade agreement with the Eurasian Economic Union, membership in the BRICS, membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and the expansion of relations with neighboring countries. This research utilizes a qualitative research method with a trend analysis approach, drawing from library resources and scientific articles.

Hobbes's tendency to connect the two fields of ethics and politics has a historical background. Historical analysis shows that upon entering the modern era, with Machi-avelli and Hobbes and their contemporaries, politics and ethics find a realistic, relativ-istic, utilitarian and anti-ultra centric nature. Hobbes's systematic explanation of hu-man nature, ethics and politics begins with the fundamental characteristics of humans. He proposes a political system based on two scenarios of the natural state and the gov-ernment (commonwealth). According to him, if the unruly nature of man is not limited by an absolute ruler with full power, the return to the natural state or the war of all against all will be inevitable. Hobbes belonged to his own time and his concern was order, peace and security, and therefore, by combining moral philosophy (natural laws) and political philosophy (civil laws), and presenting an ethical view of human self-preservation, he builds a system consisting of do’s and don'ts based on the description of the characteristics of human nature to form a peaceful government based on the so-cial contract theory to lead everyone towards a society with security. Hobbes's moral philosophy originates from his theory about natural law, and natural law also includes his theory about natural rights. Natural law and natural rights are the two foundations on which Hobbes based his theory of ethics and politics, respectively.

Afghanistan, as a landlocked buffer state, has endured over four decades of instability and continuous military conflicts, driven by both foreign military interventions and internal strife. The primary focus of these conflicts has been the seizure of power and the expansion of influence within the country. Over this period, two of the world’s leading military powers have attempted direct military intervention, only to be met with failure due to a combination of external rivalries-both regional and global-and internal resistance. These factors have perpetuated the crisis and hindered stability in Afghanistan.As a buffer state, Afghanistan’s survival depends on maintaining a balanced position among rival powers and avoiding entanglement in their spheres of influence. This requires a carefully crafted foreign policy that acknowledges the unique geopolitical demands imposed by its buffer state status. The hypothesis of this study suggests that one of the key reasons for the persistence of the crisis in Afghanistan is the country’s failure to fully consider these geopolitical imperatives in its foreign policy. This oversight has heightened tensions and encouraged external intervention.This article aims to first provide a comprehensive understanding of buffer states, drawing on the perspectives of prominent scholars. It then evaluates the foreign policy variables that shape Afghanistan's geopolitical environment, with a focus on the requirements specific to its buffer state role. The research is conducted using a descriptive-analytical methodology, with data sourced from a wide range of library materials, credible domestic and international publications, reports, and electronic sources.

Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Karabakh conflict remains the longest and most significant conflict in the Caucasus region. This study examines the role of mediation, a key method in international conflict resolution, within international law, focusing particularly on the Karabakh conflict. The hypothesis suggests that mediation, a fundamental necessity for resolving international disputes, plays a crucial role in mitigating territorial conflicts, including Karabakh. Our findings highlight diverse perspectives regarding Iran's role in Central Asia, particularly in the Southern Caucasus during the conflict. Despite attempts by major powers like Russia, the USA, and Turkey to diminish its influence, Iran has maintained a stance of neutrality, asserting its significance as a neighboring state. Mediation, deeply rooted in various cultural traditions, including Islamic culture, has been strategically employed by Iran based on religious doctrines and national interests. Iran's mediation efforts, supported by cultural and historical commonalities, were conditional on the readiness of the conflicting parties and the appropriateness of the geopolitical context. The complexity of the Karabakh conflict is underscored by its multi-layered nature, the continued crisis, the geopolitical agendas of the mediators, and the number of involved actors. Iran's mediation aims to prevent a tripartite alliance among Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Turkey, stave off the conflict's expansion towards its borders, and curb the involvement of external actors like Israel and the USA. Russia, although geographically distant from Karabakh, plays a pivotal role in the region, amplified by its recent diplomatic maneuvers in response to the USA's attempts to reduce Russian influence in the Southern Caucasus.

Geopolitics is among the influential elements in the field of foreign policy. During the Pahlavi era, the country, influenced by geopolitical factors, faced many ups and downs in the realm of foreign policy. Countries, as actors in the power and politics arena, have aimed to centralize and exert central influence over other players. The more centralization an actor achieves, the higher the ranking, more extensive connections, and obtaining a more desirable position be-come. The aim of this article is to investigate the impact of geopolitics on Iran's foreign policy during the second Pahlavi era. The main question posed is: What impact has geopolitics had on shaping Iran's foreign policy during the second Pahlavi era? The hypothesis suggests that geopolitics acted as the main and influential factor in Iran's foreign policy during the second Pahlavi era, leading to an increase in the country's power. The results of the article indicate that the Middle East, during the second Pahlavi era, functioned as a geopolitical network with various sub-networks. Eleven geopolitical sub-networks can be identified, among which the most significant include the Islamic sub-network, energy, democracy, and the resistance sub-network. Iran held a central position among Middle Eastern countries in these geopolitical sub-networks during the second Pahlavi era. Iran's centrality in the Western sub-networks of security and economy allowed it to better and more extensively pursue its national interests. The research methodology employed is descriptive-analytical, based on library studies.