درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

It became significant in finding development in Iran after the emergence of the new industrial order in the West that leads to a debate on how Iran should confront the phenomenon of high economic development. In contemporary Iranian history, Western-oriented elites have attributed Iran's backwardness to not following the methods that the West used to achieve development. Therefore, especially during the Pahlavi era, development planning with a Western-centric approach was implemented to address this backwardness. Undoubtedly, the realization of the Islamic Revolution can be considered as a confrontation with this style of modernization, which has led to serious criticisms from some thinkers. The present study examines the Sayyid Mortaza Avini’s thoughts on development economics, who is one of these intellectuals. This paper aims to investigate the question of ‘What components Avini's thought on development is based on?’ The findings indicated that Avini has criticized Western development while also aligning with some post-development thinkers. Although he goes beyond the post-development approach and, influenced by the ideas of the Islamic Revolution and based on Islamic and indigenous elements such as religious identity and Islamic justice, he presents an alternative version of development (progress accompanied by spirituality). This way, he addresses his most important concern regarding the issue of progress positively. The method of this article will be grounded theory and data collection based on library research. 

The Constitutional Revolution is of great importance regarding its direct impact on the political system and legal developments in contemporary Iran, as well as the changing relations between the rulers and the people. One of the important issues is the transformation in the position of the king and his rights, powers, and responsibilities in the legal sources of the constitutional era; with the focus of the constitutional revolutionaries on curbing despotism and ultimately drafting and promulgating the constitutional law and its supplements, efforts were made to separate the three branches of the legislative, executive, and judicial powers and prevent the concentration of power in the person of the king by establishing new institutions. However, a reflection on the process of political and legal transformations in the subsequent stages of the constitutional era until the Islamic Revolution reveals the crystallization and continuation of old despotism within the framework of the constitutional system, from the period of minor despotism to the Pahlavi era, where absolute rule of the king was not based on law but enforced through the law. Hence, considering that the philosophy behind the drafting of the constitutional law and its supplements fundamentally aimed to limit the despotism of the monarchy, while witnessing the reappearance and reproduction of despotism in the subsequent stages of the constitutional era until the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the question arises: ‘What role did the constitutional law and its principles play in the reproduction of despotism during the Pahlavi period?’ The present study aims to examine the hypothesis that with the infiltration of the monarchist movement, both overt and covert, in the drafting of the constitutional law and its supplements, the previous powers and authorities of the king were preserved in various principles of the constitutional law and its supplements, and under favorable conditions and based on these principles, the despotism of the monarchy was reproduced.

The Islamic Awakening and the power vacuum after 2012 have been key factors motivating Arab states to invest in sport as a soft power tool to assert regional dominance. While Qatar hosted the 2022 FIFA World Cup, Saudi Arabia is set to host the 2029 Asian Winter Games and the 2034 FIFA World Cup for the first time. This study aims to explore the role of sport in governance within West Asia. In recent years, an expanding body of literature has deepened our understanding of sports in the Middle East. Under the leadership of Mohammad Bin Salman (MBS), Saudi Arabia has entered a new era of sports investment but has faced accusations of 'sportswashing.' Meanwhile, Qatar and the UAE, two smaller states in the region, have played pivotal roles in supporting high-profile sporting events. This study employs qualitative content analysis to assess the achievements of the Persian Gulf States-namely the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar-in soccer. The analysis draws from articles and reports published between 2000 and 2024, sourced from scientific databases such as Google Scholar, ScienceDirect, DOAJ, and Web of Science. While sport plays a crucial role in enhancing the international prestige of the Persian Gulf States, soccer has emerged as the primary focus. Unlike Saudi Arabia, which has sought to dominate the region through soft power initiatives, particularly in soccer, Qatar has pursued a distinct strategy, positioning itself as a peacemaker and friendly nation in the Middle East.

One of the most important issues in the economy is the role of government in the process of eco-nomic growth and development. Production is a complex and social activity that requires all its con-texts and resources to achieve proper production for society. Therefore, the issue of importance is the manner and quality of government intervention in matters related to the economy and the wel-fare of the people, not the extent of this intervention. In Iran, there is always disagreement among thinkers on which institution is responsible for development. For some, the government has a duty to take the lead in development and to push it forward, but for others, the government is not a good institution to promote development. These groups play a minimal role for the government. This study, by comprehensively examining these two different approaches, examines the views and ideas of three prominent scientists and experts in the field of political economy and focuses on the role of government in development. Azimi introduced development in a more general way and believed that complete development is not possible without the development of all structures. According to him, in the developed world, structural guidance (structuring in the presence of technical domi-nance) is unnecessary and short-term guidance is necessary. The importance of the government in the development process is so great in the idea that the main and most important institution of de-velopment is the "government based on democracy"; And he puts the judiciary and the media in the next ranks. Reiis Dana considers the state to be class in nature and does not examine the state sepa-rately from the global relations of capitalism. This lack of attention has always caused development in a fragmented, unbalanced and unsuccessful country. According to Reiis Dana, development in Iran is due to the development of capitalism, because capitalist development in the world is growing unevenly. Nili believes that government intervention in development, in addition to inefficiency, deprives people of their freedoms. Therefore, Nili looks at the issue from another angle and defends government restrictions on the economy and development by prioritizing freedom over social jus-tice.

Due to different interests, ideologies, and geopolitical goals, the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia have long been in competition, which occasionally got severe. After a seven-year rupture, on March 10, 2023, the two states agreed to restore diplomatic relations to reduce tensions. This research examines the rapprochement between Iran and Saudi Arabia and tries to answer this question: what are the future scenarios of the Iran-Saudi Arabia rapprochement? To tackle the question, this research tends to analyze the Iranian-Saudi relationship and shed light on the future scenarios of the deal from an Iranian perspective. Three scenarios are presented: the first one is the cynical one and pays attention to challenges and the driving forces that can deteriorate the present de-escalated relations. The second scenario considers the positive potentialities of the deal and the situation it can make for more stability and peace. The third one regards both elements of tension and compatibility. Ultimately, the third scenario is considered the most logical one based on the framework presented as the Balance of Interests.