ژئوپلیتیک

The creation of regional or international organizations is considered as a way to peace building and keeping. In fact, one of the causes of transformation of international organization after the Cold War has been the settlement of peace and security in regional context. Latin America is among strategic regions of the world that has witnessed a new trend of regional integration after the end of the Cold War and the regional states have taken different ways to promote regional cooperation and alliance in different facets and in particular in economic and political realms. So, the research is intended to investigate the role of MERCOSUR in regional peace and development in Latin America. This paper argues that MERCOSUR has been successful, and it is in line with Latin America interests and also can provide a proper pattern of regional integration and interdependence and can be developed among the states which share common political interests.

Because of the many geopolitical potentials and communicational capabilities of ECO region, members could expand the convergency based on this organization which plays a key part in development of members and expandsion of peace and security. Due to studying the effective factors of Regional Organizations (ROs), particularly those of ECO, it seems that the resultant of internal and external regional forces fails to empower ECO members’ integration, but with a review of other successful ROs, it is revealed that they have a process mechanism which strengthens convergent forces and mitigates the divergent ones with institutionalized tools and active positive diplomacy. Based on qualitative analysis conducted on desk and in interview with geopolitical experts; this study seeks to answer the question: what are the effective factors of formation and evolution of ROs in general and those of ECO in particular? The results of the research indicate that creating a regional consciousness and a common understanding of capabilities and geopolitical values in ECO region has failed to reach maturity. The structure of competition between members represents the lack of regional common understanding on these values. Despite the progress, the evolution of structural and organizational development of ECO and its essential documents; the weakness of policy to create coordination in multilateral diplomacy, the weakness of domestic political institutions, the weakness of organizational structure, especially in staff and technical expertise, and eventually incompetency of organization and human resources, especially in the Secretariat, have caused many inefficiencies and structural weaknesses in ECO.

Regional treaties are set out to make regional institutions efficient and transparent, and pave the way the member states to work in harmony. From the other hand, the regional treaties legitimize every action by the regional institutions, because they are proven democratically and voluntarily by the member states. The regional treaties affect every regional space and can have some negative and positive consequences as well. The European Union is often viewed as the epitome of regional integration which has challenged most of regional studies theories. The EU has tried to base every action on treaties, because it is based on the rule of law. The EU treaties have transformed the regional space after the Second World War. This paper argues that these treaties have some positive and negative reflections on the regional space. Positive reflections of the EU treaties are as follows: regional peace and security, the establishment of a new regional identity, the establishment of a security community, development and blurring national boundaries. This paper also challenges this claim that the EU has only positive reflections and the public and the elites enjoy from the EU, equally. The sense of marginality and exclusion by some of the Europeans is also the negative reflection of the European integration.

Through time, there has been a deep and complex relationship between history and geography. Today also most sub-branches of geography need to take history into consideration. In the meantime, since the invention of the term political geography, there has been a deep relationship between the discipline of political geography and history. However, explanation of this relationship has less been attempted by political geographers. The present study is a theoretical basic research which uses analytic-descriptive approach to investigate the impact of “history” and “historical factors” on the making of political geography. The results indicate that the way history and historical factors are used and the goals pursued by taking them into account in the paradigms and philosophical-intellectual views imparted into political geography have been different. History has played a major role in the thoughts offered in almost all views and approaches of political geography so that by removing this factor, many of the analyses in political geography would be incomplete.

After 2014 Russia is seen powerful enough again to influence the Mediterranean region and change the passive defensive policy, practiced after the USSR’s dissolution, for active one. Analysis of attempts to squeeze Russia out of the Black Sea region shows the main strategies elaborated in the early 2000s by the leading US thinktanks. After 2014 Russia is seen powerful enough again to influence the Mediterranean region and change the passive defensive policy, practiced after the USSR’s dissolution, for active one. Analysis of attempts to squeeze Russia out of the Black Sea region shows the main strategies elaborated in the early 2000s by the leading US thinktanks. Authors give the geopolitical landscape of the region: 26 countries are classified into powers (actors) and objects for the realization of national interests of the former. Special attention is paid upon Turkey, Greece, Israel, France, Italy and Spain (with Gibraltar issue). The processes and balances that define Russia’s geopolitical interests in the Mediterranean region are seen in interconnection with the intentions of military and political leaders of the region detached on the basis of the geopolitical methodology. A variant of the “Russian balance” is offered as prospective to realize Russia’s national interests in the region.

In the post 9/11, the discursive construction of identity through discourses has become a norm in international politics in justifying foreign policies. What makes us believe is the interpretation given by dominant discourse through text, speeches, or media. Discourses not only construct a narrative on the national and international front but also rationalize certain policies and make other unthinkable. This is how it happened in Pakistan’s tribal areas[1]. The Pashtun social and cultural identity is mispresented through mainstream discourse as a cause of the conflict both in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Drawing on Lene Hansen post-structuralist discourse theory, this paper questions Pakistan''s mainstream discourse and evaluates how and why Pashtun social identity is discursively co-constituted in post 9/11? The paper argues that the discursive construction of Pashtun’s identity not only rationalizes geopolitics but also justifies the ongoing conflict in the tribal areas. The paper further argues that the prolonged conflict in the region should be understood as a regional power struggle for serving their geostrategic objective.

The relevance of the subject of this research is based on the need to find new ways of solving the problems of ongoing ethno-political conflicts in the post-Soviet space. The study is devoted to the problems of resolving the ethnopolitical conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh. The purpose of the study is to develop the principles for resolving the ethnopolitical conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh. The conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh remains relevant because of its incompleteness and the possibility of entering a dangerous stage of armed confrontation, which requires a continuous search for ways out of the situation. In this regard, there is a lot of research made on this matter from different positions. As a result of the study, the principles of resolving the ethnopolitical conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh were revealed. The significance of the study is due to the relevance of the problems of research of unrecognized states in conditions when their appearance on the world map is becoming more and more frequent.

Since 1950s, Iran and Saudi Arabia have considered each other as a rival and competition between two countries includes a wide range of issues. This field of competition along with a number of material and spiritual factors has caused conflicts in the relations of Tehran-Riyadh. Owing to this fact, a series of perceptions have occupied their minds which can be called a discourse. The discourse consisted of a set of factors such as religion, ethnicity and the nature of the political system. This research seeks to study the role and position of culture in advent of conflicts in Iran and Saudi Arabia’s relations. The methodology of the article is based on data analysis and content analysis. The results of the research indicate that the dualization of Arab/Ajam, Shiite-Sunni antagonism, and the conservative/ revolutionary approaches are the cultural foundations of conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia. These findings show that an increase in cultural interactions, especially through non-governmental organizations and informal channels can reform perceptions and decrease tensions. Iran and Saudi Arabia can improve relations through emphasis on common grounds e.g. common beliefs, common interests in confrontation terrorism and stability in region.

The present study aims to discuss a macro-narrative in the analysis of development obstacles in Iran. Political culture approach is a structural psychological approach that stresses the decisive role of culture in development and reduces the development obstacles to cultural matters. Its main suggestion is transition from tradition to modernity and its data includes psychological elements, stories and accounts. This approach was adopted by some voyagers (diarists) and diplomats to understand the third world and later some political scientists used this data to form their theories. The important question posed by this study is that why this approach adopted to study Iran and what are its implications and inefficiencies to understand the obstacles of development in this country? The findings of the study show that Macro-Narratives including political culture approach due to reductionism, essentialism, general orientation, lack of attention to the complexities of the societies and other factors are inefficient for analyzing Iran’s developments. Therefore, to understand Iran, one has to bypass the macro-narratives and applies the micro ones. The research method is explanatory by using documentary studies and critique and reviewing the published works within the framework of this approach.