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Existing evidence seems to indicate that Muslims in Scotland have constructed hyphenated or hybrid identities that draw on religion, ethnicity and nationality. However, minor attention has been given to the differences in importance, meanings, and strengths of these identities, or the significance of their identity markers. Ethnic minority people can be identified with both their ethnic groups and their country of residence; each identity can be either strong or weak, or identification with both can be high. The extent and degree of identification with specific identity markers (such as ethnicity, nationality or religion) can be varied and subjected to difference. This paper discusses the importance, meaning, and strength of these markers in Muslims’ identity negotiation in Scotland through an analysis of the importance of ethnicity, religion and nation. Drawing on a study based on twenty-seven semi-structured and qualitative interviews carried out in 2011 with second-generation[1] Muslims across Scotland’s major cities and small towns, this research suggests the importance of social imposition (labelling behaviour and mis-recognition), family education and cultural ties in varying the meanings and the strength of  second-generation Muslims’ national and ethnic identities in Scotland. In addition, this paper  highlights the significance of various levels of religiosity in differentiating the meanings and strength of participants’ religious identities. [1] In this paper, ‘first generations’ are those Muslims who were born outside the UK and immigrated to UK and the term ‘second generation’ refers to those Muslims who were born in the UK to non-native parents.

  In May of 2018, the strategy of law-making was utilized in the Kingdom of Denmark to respond to or, more to the point, respond against full-face garments along the lines of a democratic and secular society in which values like transparency inform and guide interaction, dialogue, and communication. The new legal norm and measure, law L 219, does not refer expressly to the veil, nor to women, or to Islam. Nevertheless, the national Parliament in the Kingdom of Denmark proceeded on the basis of premises that reveal, upon scrutiny, why the particular provision that prohibits full-face veils is widely known and referred to as the “burqa ban”.Like the niqab, the burqa is a full-face veil. Numerically speaking, between 50 and 200 Muslim women wear such a veil, a fact that enters them into a minority within a minority statistics of 0.1 or 0.2 percent. However, to trivialize the burqa ban would be an error. This point applies to all sides, including the stakeholders who assumed the responsibility of drafting the new norm and measure. As the Danish legislators see things, law 219 is not an instance of “shooting sparrows with a cannon”. After this, the need to legislate appears to be an instance of following a trend in Europe and, at the same time, sending a message about the prevailing (Danish) ideology in contradistinction to “political Islam” that gives rise to unwanted phenomena like gender inequality, religious extremism, and terrorism. The authors of The 2018 Danish “Burqa Ban”: Joining a European Trend and Sending a National Messageattempt to give an in-depth account of the burqa ban and the political context for this, as provided by the negotiations that led up to the ban’s final adoption. One objective is to identify the various variables in the legal equation and, as another objective, capture the wider prescriptively-proscriptive direction of the Danish case, thereby also establishing a platform for further discussion, reflection, and response. (This part of the project – an intended component and outcome since the formulation of the original research task, labor division, and methodology – is published in the concurrent but separate article, The Burqa Ban: Legal Precursors for Denmark, American Experiences and Experiments, and Philosophical and Critical Examinations.)

Toleration is a salient characteristic of thoughts and teachings of “Ekhvanossafa and Khellanolvafa” (sincere and loyal friends) community, who emerged about two thousand years ago during the flowering time of Islamic civilization. Their tolerance and forbearance have been observed in some studies conduced about them inside and outside our country, while the roots of their approach, which was put forward centuries before emergence of these themes in the West, have been neglected. This research was conducted with the aim to recognize the roots and destiny of their salient thought characteristic. Meanwhile, it was tried to, beside briefly introducing this thinking way, answer the innovative question of where the roots and factors of toleration of Ekhvanossafa have originated from. It should be noted that to do this research, the descriptive method and interpretation of texts were employed. 

Economic exchanges have long exerted great influence on the relations between nations and nations in various political, social and cultural dimensions, and these effects are increasing in current international relations. Given that the countries of Iran and India are opponents of terrorist and takfiri groups in the region and the country of Afghanistan is one of the main headquarters of the terrorists in the region, it is one of the prerequisites for full and coherent use for security in the economic exchanges of the region.Regarding what has been mentioned, the main question of the paper is about the effect of Indian presence in Afghanistan regarding security and economy?  And the main hypothesis of this paper is that the presence of India in Afghanistan has increased the economic interactions between Iran, Afghanistan and India, and, in addition to the establishment of security cooperation, the internal context of creating insecurity in the region is reduced. The research method used in this article is descriptive-analytical and has used library studies to compare the results of economic exchanges on security creation.First of all, interdependence views have been used to designate India's economic presence in Afghanistan;  and the results of this paper can point to a rise in the economic ties between Iran, India and Afghanistan, leading to an increase in the interests of the three countries, a new balance, the more emphasize and importance of Asian markets Middle and more security in Afghanistan.

The Islamic world, beside historical and ideological factors, impacting on the general process of the Islamic civilization and its stagnation, has been facing the more serious challenge of development of the Western civilization during the last two decades. Toward this challenge, Moslem thinkers actively tried to find a religious resolution to free the Islamic world from the dominance of the Western civilization and culture, and at the same time, to reconstruct religious thought. Certainly, this reconstruction opened the path to the borders of the resurgence of the Islamic civilization, and its most salient parade is seen in the Islamic Revolution of Iran as the most perfect example among the contemporary Islamic movements. In fact, it prevented Islam from being isolate in the world. In the present paper, it will be tried to study the process of reconstruction of religious though within two frameworks of “the relationship between politics and religion” and also “Messianism” in Iran, and its impact on the retrieval of the Islamic civilization.