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The desire to be present in religious places is not confined to any one group; all members of society wish to visit and benefit from the spiritual atmosphere of such sites. This desire is steadily increasing among diverse social groups. Persons with disabilities are among these groups; due to the limitations they face, they have fewer opportunities to be present in crowded places. This article seeks to identify the important needs of disabled pilgrims when visiting the Shrine of Imam al-Rida (PBUH). It employs a mixed qualitative–quantitative approach, drawing upon documents and theoretical studies, expert interviews, and content analysis. Six principal dimensions and thirty-one components of need were identified, followed by analysis of their causal relations using fuzzy cognitive mapping. According to the findings, accessibility facilitation, environmental adaptation, and rehabilitation constitute the three main dimensions of need, each with associated components that point to practical strategies.

In this article I draw attention to a little-studied phenomenon in the study of pilgrimage and sacred sites: how famed pilgrimage locations and routes may be replicated on a smaller scale in other locations. The article focuses mainly on Japanese pilgrimages, using primarily the example of the 1300-kilometre-long Shikoku pilgrimage, and shows how local small-scale versions of this pilgrimage developed historically throughout Japan from the seventeenth century onwards and were also taken abroad by Japanese migrants. A key factor in the development of these localised versions of the pilgrimage was that, for most people in earlier times, long distance pilgrimages were difficult if not impossible. Yet there was a widespread sense that such pilgrimages and the sacred figures associated with them were universal in nature and should be available to all. As such, localised replications on a smaller scale were developed so that those unable to go to sacred sites and make long journeys to distant famed pilgrimage sites, could have access in their own localities. While outlining key factors behind such developments in Japanese contexts the article shows that this is not something only evident in Japan; it is a phenomenon found globally and across numerous religious traditions and geographic settings. Examples are provided of similar developments in Catholic, Hindu and Buddhist contexts globally. In outlining some of the underlying implications of this phenomenon, of pilgrimages and sacred sites being replicated in localised versions, the article particularly highlights the issue of movement and mobility, a topic that has rightly been highlighted as an analytical theme in studies of pilgrimage. However, thus far, discussions of mobility and movement in pilgrimage contexts have focused on movement to and around sacred sites, and on the people—pilgrims—who do this. As the article argues, movement can also go the other way: of pilgrimages and sacred sites moving to where potential pilgrims are, and it flags up this issue along with the need for more research into replicated pilgrimages, as key areas of pilgrimage studies research.

Visiting religious sites is one of the customary programs in the journeys of diplomats and officials from Muslim countries when traveling to other Islamic lands. The shrine of the eighth Shiʿi Imam in the holy city of Mashhad—which is considered the most important pilgrimage site in Iran—has, in the last century, received dozens of Sunni statesmen. This study, conducted through a descriptive–analytical method, seeks to identify the reasons for the pilgrimage of these figures to the shrine of Imam al-Rida (PBUH). The findings indicate that the Sufi inclinations of certain Muslim statesmen constituted one of the reasons for their visitation to the Imam al-Rida’s shrine. Some Muslim politicians, such as Zahir Shah, Abul Kalam Azad, Imran Khan, Abdoulaye Wade, Benazir Bhutto, and others, from countries including Afghanistan, India, Pakistan, Senegal, and beyond, when visiting Iran, traveled to Mashhad with the intention of pilgrimage to Imam al-Rida’s shrine. In their homelands, these individuals were known for supporting Sufism or for their affiliation with ṭarīqas such as the Suhrawardiyya, Qādiriyya, Naqshbandiyya, Chishtiyya, and Murīdiyya, and there exist numerous reports of their pilgrimages to Sufi shrines. Accordingly, it seems that these political leaders, whether by conviction or out of reverence for the position of Imam al-Rida (PBUH) within Sufi silsilas undertook the visitation of his tomb. In this respect, one may expect that the shrine of Imam al-Rida could serve as a point of reliance contributing to the improvement and strengthening of political and cultural relations.

As I delve into Imām Riḍā’s civilizational thought, exploring the concept of justice and its implications, I find myself drawn to the parallels between his teachings and those of Jesus Christ. Imām Riḍā’s legacy of justice for everyone and injustice for no one resonates deeply with the core teachings of Christianity, particularly as embodied in the life and ministry of Jesus Christ. Both figures exemplify a profound commitment to mercy, compassion, and the pursuit of righteousness. One striking aspect of Imām Riḍā’s teachings is his emphasis on mercy for all believers, a principle that finds resonance in Jesus’ teachings on love and forgiveness. The example set by Imām Riḍā in praying for the prosperity of all believers reflects Jesus’ call to love one another and to pray even for our enemies. Moreover, Imām Riḍā’s respect for all individuals, regardless of their social status or background, mirrors Jesus’ interactions with people from all walks of life. Both figures demonstrate a deep reverence for the inherent dignity of every human being, challenging us to overcome prejudice and embrace the inherent worth of all individuals. The theme of caring for the needy is another point of convergence between Imām Riḍā and Jesus. Imām Riḍā’s choice to stay with the destitute during his travels and Jesus’ teachings on caring for the poor highlight the shared imperative to uplift the marginalized and alleviate suffering in our communities. Furthermore, both Imām Riḍā and Jesus exemplify affability toward others, emphasizing the importance of kindness, humility, and compassion in our interactions with one another. Their teachings remind us of the transformative power of love and the profound impact of acts of kindness on individuals and communities. Imām Riḍā’s emphasis on forgiving the faults of others echoes Jesus’ teachings on forgiveness and reconciliation. Both figures challenge us to overcome resentment and bitterness, extending grace and mercy to those who have wronged us. Additionally, Imām Riḍā and Jesus share a commitment to humane treatment of all people, regardless of their faith or ethnicity. Their teachings emphasize the importance of respecting human rights and promoting justice and equality for all members of society. Imām Riḍā’s civilizational thought offers valuable insights into the shared values that unite humanity across religious divides. As Christians and Muslims, we have much to learn from one another’s traditions, and through dialogue and cooperation, we can work together to build a more just, compassionate, and inclusive world.

Peace is the essential core of all religions, and peacemaking is a telos for which all religions offer guidance. Grounded in principles such as justice, rational and social growth, forbearance, and forgiveness, peace—within the Radawi culture—is counted among the most foundational principles of international relations. The creation of peace is, before anything else, a spiritual act rooted in the honoring of genuine human rights. Unlike the negative definition adopted in much international-legal discourse—i.e., peace as nothing but the absence of war—the Radawi culture treats peace as an affirmative concept: amicable coexistence premised on the preservation of human dignity. This descriptive-analytical study argues that, contrary to the ethnocentric and unrealistic claims of certain Western Orientalists such as Bernard Lewis and Samuel Huntington—who portray Islam as incompatible with peace and democracy and as a font of violence and terrorism—Islam is a bearer of peace and friendship, and it is capacious enough to furnish a new and comprehensive paradigm for international relations. In the Radawi culture, the scope of peace embraces not only the narrow sense (the absence of armed conflict) but also the broader sense (justice-centered social flourishing). In this culture—contrary to what is commonly asserted in the law of armed conflict—there is no doctrine of preemptive self-defense; peace is sacred, and jihād is a fundamentally humanitarian measure meant to expand peace and security under divine sovereignty by negating ṭāghūt (illegitimate domination), defending the oppressed, and combating injustice.