درخت حوزه‌های تخصصی

Regionalism and regional integration are among the central doctrines of states to strengthen and develop themselves in the new age. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the power vacuum, Russia sought to rebuild the regional order and reshape the regional geopolitical system in Eurasia. From the beginning of the Vladimir Putin era (1999), Eurasianisism became the focus of Russian foreign policy. The most crucial strategy of Russian Eurasianism became Eurasian Regionalism. After several stages of the regionalism process (Eurasian Economic Community, Single Economic Market, Customs Union), Russia finally succeeded in establishing the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) consisting of Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Armenia, and Kyrgyzstan in early 2015. The EAEU is the most developed institution of regional economic integration among post-Soviet states. The objective of this study is to evaluate Russia’s regionalism policies and explain Russia’s intentions to establish the EAEU in the new era. The research results show that the first priority of Moscow from the establishing of the Eurasian Economic Union is security, political and geopolitical issues. Otherwise, economically, this Union does not have a significant achievement for Russia. The member states of This Union are not an appropriate economic complement to each other.  

China’s increasing power as one of the most important revisionist powers has received different reactions from its neighbors and the dominant powers of the international system. In fact, China as a rising and revisionist power challenges the regional and hegemonic order. In such a situation, the deterrent actions exerted by the United States, as a hegemon of international system, seems to be natural. The present research is an attempt to study China’s reactions to foreign threats from the perspective of theories of International Politics and Foreign Policy Analysis. The paper enjoys a descriptive-analytical design with the application of the theory on the case. The data collection was made through the study of existing literature and virtual data. The findings of this study show that China's reaction to existing or potential threats can carry very different interpretations and analytical results from the perspective of different theoretical perspectives.

As an academic field in the study of politics through geographic and naturalistic approaches, geopolitics gives various explanations to political phenomena. In addition, security studies are a new sub-branch of international relations that deals with security issues. Geo-security is a new interdisciplinary field of study that deals with the security of geographic relations between countries. It is a sub-concept of geopolitics. In an attempt to analyze geo-security, you can see that it consists of three main concepts: territoriality, conflict, and scarcity. Borrowed from geopolitics, social science, and economics, these concepts emphasize continuum relations of nation-states from war to peaceful settlements. Conceptualization of geo-security necessarily needs to claim that it can make a new understanding of relations among nations. The present research aims to analyze Iran’s foreign policy towards its neighboring countries. The findings not only show all the main issues about Iran’s relations with its neighbors, but also help to manage these relations and make a shift from a conflictual approach to a cooperative one.

This paper seeks to draw scenarios for the future of the Middle East regional system, and considers the actors in the Middle East regional system as: 1. regional powers; 2. failed states in the region; in this paper the three failed states are mentioned: Iraq, Syria and Yemen, 3. active groups inside the failed states, and 4. interventionist powers, such as the United States and Russia, which intervene from an international level in the regional system of the Middle East. In this regard, the constructive variables of the regional system of the Middle East has been studied which include: the problematic, the boundary, the pole, the anarchy, the interaction pattern, the individual and the structure of the international system. The paper argues that every regional system has the problematic and based on the data obtained, the current problematic at the regional level is the existence of the failed states of Yemen, Iraq and Syria. Hence, it is about examining and identifying other variables surrounding the problematic, and ultimately on whether the objectives and actions of the poles of power in the region on the one hand, and the goals and actions of the superpowers on the international level are in line with the resolution of the problematic or conflicting and contradictory to the problematic, provides scenarios for the variables that shape the regional system, and in particular the regional interaction pattern. Based on these scenarios, the future of Iran's foreign policy can be explained.

The Middle East and North Africa regions have been the focus of security crises since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Although insecurity has not been restricted in this region, its effects are evident in other regions of the international system, especially in the European countries. With this in mind, the main question of the present article is how can a comprehensive model be presented to fundamentally resolve the security issue in the region. The result of this study is that "regional awareness" is a concept on the basis of which one can find a way out of the existing security impasse. In fact, the results are based on the fact that native solutions to the security of the country, instead of rental security, bring peace and security to the region. In this regard, governments, intellectuals, and people must engage in regional negotiations to fulfill their national interests.

Historically, formalities and diplomatic protocols, as one of the pillars of successful international diplomacy, have played a crucial role in shaping the political currents of the time. This study examines and studies the role and effect of British-Russian rivalries regarding the inefficiency of the Iranian formality system, as well as analyzing the function of these formalities in the relations of this power triangle during the Qajar era, and by means of a historical method and a descriptive-analytical view which is based on documents, travelogues and historical resources of the Qajar era, it seeks to answer the questions of to what extent diplomatic rituals and ceremonies have been effective in the rivalry and emulation of Russian and British governments in Iran? What were the factors that led to the structural weakness of Iran's formalities and its becoming a buffer state in the great game between Russia and Britain? What role did the performance of the Russian and British ambassadors play in Iran's formality relations? It seems that factors such as imitation and competition of the British and Russian ambassadors for Formalities respect caused the role of Formalities in Iran's relations with the Russian and British governments to be not positive and effective. Meanwhile, the performance of the Russian and British ambassadors, the establishment of Formality agreements and the negligence of the Iranian government were not ineffective in shaping formality actions and reactions between the governments

Spatial justice as a new term focuses more on cities, so it is important to address the national scale. Spatial injustice refers to the imbalanced distribution of valuable political, social and economic power, wealth, infrastructures and opportunity resources. From a political geography point of view, spatial injustice can be a threat to the national integrity, national & domestic security and creation of critical areas in the state. The main goal of this paper is Identification and categorization of factors affecting the spatial injustice in Iran. This paper tries to find an answer to the research main question: What are the most important factors affecting spatial injustice in Iran? This study is practical regarding its purpose and in terms of data collection is survey descriptive. Moreover, its data collection is from the questionnaire. First, the dimensions and spatial injustice indicators are distinguished based on the review of the literature, content and comparative analysis of related researches, and interviews with experts. Then using the methodology of modern analytical-interpretive structural modeling (ISM), the relationship between the indicators is determined and analyzed. Finally, the type of variables according to their influence and reception on other variables was identified using MICMAC analysis. Results show that the most important foundations of spatial injustice in Iran based on Interpretive-Structural Modeling Are Inequality in the distribution of power, wealth and opportunities and Theoretical weakness about the spatial justice domain of knowledge