مرتضی بحرانی

Al-Farabi has discussed language in his philosophical discussions, albeit here and there. His discussions are especially about syntax and logic. Most existing studies have dealt only with the connection between this syntax and logic, and with the conventionality or naturalness of language in al-Farabi’s thought. The question of this article is what are the political implications of al-Farabi's discussions on language? The results of the study, based on the method of content analysis of al-Farabi’s works, indicate that Farabi specifically related the logic and logical crafts to his political thought; In such a way he expects the realization of the virtuous city on the basis of demonstration (Alborhan); And explains the existence of non-virtuous cities with crafts such as rhetoric, dialectic, poetry and sophistry. In other words, it is the expression which forms the city. These findings help us to analyze al-Farabi's thought in our own time and ask ourselves what does al-Farabi's thought has for us? By trying to come closer to the answer of this question I conclude the article with this claim that al-Farabi's idea of non-virtuous cities is relevant to us today. What remains is our retainment.

The public sphere is one of the most important explanatory and normative concepts in the field of political sociology. Addressing the public sphere is especially important because it can explain the transition from the traditional to the modern. In particular, the fundamental question here is whether it is possible to arrive at a normative understanding of the situation in Iran by addressing and analyzing the public sphere, as Habermas has described it. Our problem is a general and at the same time specific problem. There are two central concepts in Jürgen Habermas's theory of structural transformation in the general sphere. One is literary-artistic speech and the other is political-moral speech. According to Habermas, the public sphere was first formed around literary and artistic debates, and then into political and moral discourse. From then on, the public sphere became practically a focal point for criticizing the political situation; To the extent that the public sphere became a free space and the concept of public opinion was born from it. In this article, while briefly explaining the two aforementioned areas, an attempt is made to propose a third area that describes our descriptive and normative understanding of the transition to the modern situation. This third field can be called a scientific field.

It would be much of value and importance to understand how in less than a century after the attack to another land and nation, the uncultured invaders changed dramatically in the realm of science and knowledge so they created an academic complex, Rab'-e Rashidi, during Ilkhanid dynasty. Rab'-e Rashidi as a big academic center was established by Rashid-al-Din Fadhlollah Hamadani (the minister of Ghazan Khan) in the late 7th century (the 13th century). According to his Report, this complex was equipped with a paper factory, a library, an educational treatment center (Dar-ol-Shafa), a center for teaching and researching on Quran (Dar-ol Quran), accommodation for teachers and students, and other facilities. Thousands of students from Iran, China, Egypt, and Syria studied their desired subjects there. In addition to the components of the foundation, it contained caravanserais, shops, baths, storehouses, mills, and so on. Though, the Rab'-e Rashidi began to decline after the death of Rashid al-Din in 1318 and during its long history much damage happened by human causes or by natural disasters, but from the viewpoint of sociology of knowledge, it is very important that Rashid-al-Din Fadhlollah Hamadani performed different rules and regulations for all of these aspects and constituents, in detail: Vaghfnameh is an elaborating and professorial book written by Hamadani which describe Rab'-e Rashidi complex. Findings indicates that Rab'-e established according to an existential state of human in the world and describes a system of justice.